1 Where Balthazar and I did dine together. I did obey; and sent my peasant home To go in person with me to my house. By the way we met My wife, her sister, and a rabble more Of vile confederates; along with them A thread-bare juggler, and a fortune-teller; Ran hither to your grace; whom I beseech For these deep shames and great indignities. Mer. Besides I will be sworn, these ears of mine Duke. Why, what an intricate impeach is this! Cour. He did; and from my finger snatch'd that ring. Ant. E. 'Tis true, my liege, this ring I had of her. I think, you are all mated, or stark mad. [Erit an Attendant. Ege. Most mighty duke, vouchsafe me speak a Duke. Speak freely, Syracusan, what thou wilt. Dro. E. Within this hour, I was his bondman, sir, But he, I thank him, gnaw'd in two my cords; Now am I Dromio, and his man, unbound. 4 See note on Act in. Sc. 1. Æge. I am sure, you both of you remember me. Æge. Why look you strange on me? you know Ant. E. I never saw you in my life, till now. And careful hours, with Time's deformed hand, Æge. Dromio, nor thou? Dro. E. No, trust me, sir, nor I. I am sure, thou dost. Dro. E. Ay, sir? but I am sure, I do not; and whatsoever a man denies, you are now bound to believe him.5 Æge. Not know my voice! O, time's extremity! Ant. E. I never saw my father in my life. Ant. E. The duke and all that know me in the city, Can witness with me that it is not so; Duke. I tell thee, Syracusan, twenty years Enter the Abbess, with ANTIPHOLUS Syracusan, and DROMIO Syracusan. Abb. Whoever bound him, I will loose his bonds, That bore thee at a burden two fair sons: Æge. If I dream not, thou art Æmilia; Abb. By men of Epidamnum, he, and I 9 In the old copy this speech of Ægeon, and the sub. sequent one of the abbess, follow the speech of the 5 Dromio delights in a quibble, and the word bound Duke. It is evident that they were transposed by miahas before been the subject of his mirth. take. What then became of them, I cannot tell; Duke. Why, here begins this morning story right;1 Ant. S. No, sir, not I; I came from Syracuse. Duke. Stay, stand apart; I know not which is which. Ant. E. I came from Corinth, my most gracious lord. Dro. E. And I with him. mous warrior Duke Menaphon, your most renowned uncle. Adr. Which of you two did dine with me to-day? Ant. S. I, gentle mistress. Adr. And are not you my husband? Ant. E. No, I say nay to that. Ant. S. And so do I, yet did she call me so; And this fair gentlewoman, her sister here, Ang. That is the chain, sir, which you had of me. Adr. I sent you, money, sir, to be your bail, By Dromio; but I think he brought it not. Dro. E. No, none by me. Ant. S. This purse of ducats I receiv'd from you, And Dromio my man did bring them me: Ant. E. These ducats pawn I for my father here. Cour. Sir, I must have that diamond from you. Ant. E. There, take it; and much thanks for my good cheer. Abb. Renowned duke, vouchsafe to take the pains To go with us into the abbey here, And hear at large discoursed all our fortunes:And all that are assembled in this place, That by this sympathized one day's error Have suffer'd wrong, go, keep us company, And we shall make full satisfaction.Twenty-five years have I but gone in travail Of you, my sons, and till this present hour ; 1 'The morning story' is what Ægeon tells the Duke in the first scene of this play. 2 Semblance is here a trisyllable. It appears probable that a line has been omitted here, the import of which may have been: These circumstances all concur to prove If it began with the word these as well as the succeeding one, the error would easily happen. 3 Children is here a trisyllable, it is often spelled as it was pronounced then, childeren. 4 The old copy reads, erroneously, thus: Thirty-three years have I but gone in travail My heavy burden here delivered. Duke. With all my heart, I'll gossip at this feast. [Exeunt Duke, Abbess, EGEON, Courtezar, Merchant, ANGELO, and Attendants. Dro. S. Master, shall I fetch your stuff from shipboard? Ant. E. Dromio, what stuff of mine hast thou em bark'd 1 Dro. S. Your goods, that lay at host, sir, in the Centaur. Ant. S. He speaks to me; I am your master, Come, go with us: we'll look to that anon: [Exeunt ANT. S. and AxT. E. ADR. and Lec. Dro. S. There is a fat friend at your master's house, That kitchen'd me for you to-day at dinner; Dro. E. Methinks you are my glass, and not my brother: I see by you I am a sweet-faced youth. Dro. E. That's a question: how shall we try : ON a careful revision of the foregoing scenes, I do ant hesitate to pronounce them the composition of two very unequal writers. Shakspeare had undoubtedly a share in them; but that the entire play was no work of his is an opinion which (as Benedict says) "fire cannot me out of me; I will die in it at the stake." Thus, as we are informed by Aulus Gellius, Lib. III. Cap. 3, возе plays were absolutely ascribed to Plautus, which la truth had only been (retractatæ et expolita) retouched and polished by him. In this comedy we find more intricacy of plot than dis tinction of character; and our attention is less forcibly engaged, because we can guess in great measure how the denouement will be brought about. Yet the subject appears to have been reluctantly dismissed, even in this last and unnecessary scene, where the same mistakes are continued, till the power of affording entertainment is entirely lost. STEEVENS. Theobald corrected it in the following manner: Malone, after much argument, gives it thus: Thirty-three years are an evident error for tarenty-fire, this was corrected by Theobald. The reader will choose between the simple emendation which I have made in the text, and those made by Theobald and Malone. 5 i. e. the two Dromioes. Antipholus of Syracuse has already called one of them the almanack of my true date. See note on Act 1. Sc. 2. 6 Heath thought that we should read, and joy with me. Warburton proposed gaud, but the old reading is probably right МАСВΕΤΗ PRELIMINARY REMARKS. DR. JOHNSON thought it necessary to prefix to this play an apology for Shakspeare's magic;-in which he says, 'A poet who should now make the whole action of his tragedy depend upon enchantment, and produce the chief events by the assistance of supernatural agents, would be censured as transgressing the bounds of probability, be banished from the theatre to the nur ■sery, and condemned to write fairy tales instead of tragedies. He then proceeds to defend this transgression upon the ground of the credulity of the poet's age; when 'the scenes of enchantment, however they may be now ridiculed, were both by himself and his audience thought awful and affecting. By whom, or when (always excepting French criticism,) these sublime conceptions were in danger of ridicule, he has not told us; and I sadly fear that this superfluous apology arose from the misgivings of the great critic's mind. Schlegel has justly remarked that, Whether the age of Shakspeare still believed in witchcraft and ghosts, is a matter of perfect indifference for the justification of the use which, in Hamlet and Macbeth, he has made of preexisting tra ditions. No superstition can ever be prevalent and widely diffused through ages and nations without having a foundation in human nature on this foundation the poet builds; he calls up from their hidden abysses that dread of the unknown, that presage of a dark side of nature, and a world of spirits which philosophy now imagines it has altogether exploded. In this manner he is in some degree both the portrayer and the philosopher of a superstition; that is, not the philosopher who denies and turns into ridicule, but, which is still more difficult, who distinctly exhibits its origin to us in apparently irrational and yet natural opinions.'-in another place the same admirable critic says-Since The Furies of Æschylus, nothing so grand and terrible has ever been composed: The Witches, it is true, are not divine Eumenides, and are not intended to be so; they are ignoble and vulgar instruments of hell. They discourse with one another like women of the very lowest class; for this was the class to which witches were supposed to belong. When, however, they address Macbeth, their tone assumes more elevation: their predictions have all the obscure brevity, the majestic solemnity, by which oracles have in all times contrived to inspire mortals with reverential awe. We here see that the witches are merely instruments; they are governed by an invisible spirit, or the operation of such great and dreadful events would be above their sphere. Their agency was necessary; for natural motives alone would have seemed inadequate to effect such a change astakes place in the nature and dispositions of Macbeth. By this means the poet 'has exhibited a more sublime picture to us: an ambitious but noble hero, who yields to a deep laid hellish temptation and all the crimes to which he is impelled by necessity, to secure the fruits of his first crime, cannot altogether eradicate in him the stamp of native heroism. He has therefore given a threefold division to the guilt of that crime. The first idea comes from that being whose whole activity is guided by a lust of wickedness. The weird sisters surprise Macbeth in the moment of intoxication after his victory, when his love of glory has been gratified; they cheat his eyes by exhibiting to him as the work of fate what can only in reality be accomplished by his own deed, and gain credence for their words by the immediate ful fihnent of the first prediction. The opportunity for murdering the king immediately offers itself; Lady Macbeth conjures him not to let it slip; she urges him on with a fiery eloquence, which has all those sophisms at command that serve to throw a false grandeur over crime. Little more than the mere execution falls to the share of Macbeth; he is driven to it as it were in a state of commotion, in which his mind is bewildered. Repentance immediately follows; nay, even precedes the deed; and the stings of his conscience leave him no rest either night or day. But he is now fairly entangled in the snares of hell; it is truly frightful to behold that Macbeth, who once as a warrior could spurn at death, now that he dreads the prospect of the life to come, clinging with growing anxiety to his earthly existence, the more miserable it becomes, and pitilessly removing out of his way whatever to his dark and suspicious mind seems to 1 threaten danger. However much we may abhor his actions, we cannot altogether refuse to sympathize with the state of his mind; welament the ruin of so many noble qualities; and, even in his last defence, we are compelled to admire in him the struggle of a brave will with a cowardly conscience. The poet wishes to show that the conflict of good and evil in this world can only take place by the permission of Providence, which converts the curse that individual mortals draw down on their heads into a blessing to others. Lady Macbeth, who of all the human beings is the most guilty participator in the murder of the king, falls, through the horrors of her conscience, into a state of incurable bodily and mental disease; she dies, unlamented by her husband, with all the symptoms of reprobation. Macbeth is still found worthy of dying the death of a hero on the field of battle. Banquo atones for the ambitious curiosity which prompted him to wish to know his glorious descendants by an early death, as he thereby rouses Macbeth's jealousy; but he preserved his mind pure from the bubbles of the witches; his name is blessed in his race, destined to enjoy for a long succession of ages that royal dignity which Macbeth could only hold during his own life. In the progress of the action, this piece is altogether the reverse of Hamlet it strides forward with amazing rapidity from the first catastrophe (for Duncan's murder may be called a catastrophe) to the last. Thought, and done! is the general motto; for, as Macbeth says, The flighty purpose never is o'ertook In every feature we see a vigorous heroic age in the hardy North, which steels every nerve. The precise duration of the action cannot be ascertained,-years, perhaps, according to the story; but we know that to the imagination the most crowded time appears always the shortest. Here we can hardly conceive how so very much can be compressed into so narrow a space; not merely external events-the very innermost recesses of the minds of the persons of the drama are laid open to us. It is as if the drags were taken from the wheels of time, and they rolled along without interruption in their descent. Nothing can equal the power of this picture in the excitation of horror. We need only allude to the circumstance attending the murder of Duncan, the dagger that hovers before the eyes of Macbeth, the vision of Banquo at the feast, the madness of Lady Macbeth; what can we possibly say on the subject that will not rather weaken the impression? Such scenes stand alone, and are to be found only in this poet; otherwise the tragic muse might exchange her mask for the head of Medusa.* Shakspeare followed the chronicle of Holinshed, and Holinshed borrowed his narration from the chronicles of Scotland, translated by John Bellenden, from the Latin of Hector Boethius, and first published at Edinburgh in 1541. Malcolm the Second, king of Scotland, had two daughters. The eldest was married to Crynin, the father of Duncan, Thane of the isles, and western parts of Scotland: and on the death of Malcolm without male issue Duncan succeeded to the throne. Malcolm's second daughter was married to Sinel, Thane of Glamis, the father of Macbeth. Duncan, who married the sister of Siward, Earl of Northumberland, was murdered by his cousin german Macbeth, in the castle of Inverness, about the year 1040 or 1045. Macbeth was himself slain by Macduff, according to Boethius in 1061, according to Buchanan in 1057, at which time Edward the Confessor reigned in England. In the reign of Duncan, Banquo having been plundered by the people of Lochaber of some of the king's revenues, which he had collected, and being dangerously wounded in the affray, the persons concerned in this outrage were summoned to appear at a certain day. But they slew the serjeant at arms who summoned them, and chose one Macdonwald as their captain. Macdonwald speedily collected a considerable body of * Lectures on Dramatic Literature, by A. W. Schle. gel, translated by John Black, London, 1815, vol. ii. p. 200. forces from Ireland and the Western Isles, and in one action gained a victory over the king's army. In this battle Malcolm, a Scottish nobleman (who was lieutenant to Duncan in Lochaber) was slain. Afterwards Macbeth and Banquo were appointed to the command of the army; and Macdonwald, being obliged to take refuge in a castle in Lochaber, first slew his wife and children, and then himself. Macbeth, on entering the castle, finding his dead body, ordered his head to be cut off and carried to the king, at the castle of Bertha, and his body to be hung on a high tree. At a subsequent period, in the last year of Duncan's reign, Sueno, king of Norway, landed a powerful army in Fife, for the purpose of invading Scotland. Duncan immediately assembled an army to oppose him, and gave the command of two divisions of it to Macbeth and Banquo, putting himself at the head of a third. Sueno was successful in one battle, but in a second was routed; and, after a great slaughter of his troops, he escaped with ten persons only, and fled back to Norway. Though there was an interval of time between the rebellion of Macdonwald and the invasion of Sueno, Shakspeare has woven these two actions together, and immediately after Sueno's defeat the present play com mences. It is remarkable that Buchanan has pointed out Macbeth's history as a subject for the stage. 'Multa hic fabuloso quidam nostrorum affingunt; sed quia theatris aut Milesiis fabulis sunt aptiora quam historiæ, ea omitto.'-Rerum Scot. Hist. Lib. vii. Milton also enumerates the subject among thoseе ще considered well suited for tragedy, but it appears that he would have attempted to preserve the unity of time by placing the relation of the murder of Duncan in the mouth of his ghost. Macbeth is one of the latest, and unquestionably one of the noblest efforts of Shakspeare's genius. Equally impressive in the closet and on the stage, where to witness its representation has been justly pronounced the first of all dramatic enjoyments. Malone places the date of its composition in 1606, and it has been supposed to convey a dexterous and delicate compliment to James the first, who derived his lineage from Banquo, and first united the threefold sceptre of England, Scotland, and Ireland. At the same time the monarch's prejudices on the subject of demonology were flattered by the choice of the story. It was once thought that Shakspeare derived some hints for his scenes of incantation from The Witch, a tragicomedy, by John Middleton, which, after lying long in manuscript, was published about thirty years since by Isaac Reed; but Malone has with considerable ingenuity shown that Middleton's drama was most probably written subsequently to Macbeth. * See the chronological order of the plays in the late Variorum Edition, by Mr. Boswell, vol. ii. p. 4:20. DUNCAN, King of Scotland. MALCOLM, DONALBAIN, MACBETH, BANQUO, LENOX, ROSSE, MENTEITH, ANGUS, CATHNESS, his Sons. PERSONS REPRESENTED. Generals of the King's Army. Noblemen of Scotland. FLEANCE, Son to Banquo. SEYTON, an Officer attending on Macbeth. An English Doctor. A Scotch Doctor. LADY MACBETH, LADY MACDUFF. Gentlewoman attending on Lady Macbeth. Lords, Gentlemen, Officers, Soldiers, Murderers, Attendants, and Messengers. The Ghost of Banquo, and several other Apparitions. SIWARD, Earl of Northumberland, General of the SCENE, in the end of the Fourth Act, lies in Eng English Forces. YOUNG SIWARD, his Son. land; through the rest of the play, in Scotland; and chiefly at Macbeth's Castle. course unacquainted. 2 As the play now stands, in Act iv. Sc. 1, three other witches make their appearance. 3 When the hurlyburly's done. In Adagia Scotica, or A Collection of Scotch Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases; collected by R. B.; very useful and delightful. Lond. 12mo. 1668: Little kens the wife that sits by the fire How the wind blows cold in hurle burle swyre. 'i. e. in the tempestuous mountain-top,' says Mr. Todd, in a note on Spenser; to which Mr. Boswell gives his assent, and says, 'this sense seems agreeable to the witch's answer. But Peacham, in his Garden of Eloquence, 1577, shows that this was not the ancient acceptation of the word among us: 'Onomatopeia, when Mal. This is the sergeant, Who, like a good and hardy soldier, fought 'Gainst my captivity: -Hail, brave friend! Say to the king the knowledge of the broil, As thou didst leave it. we invent, devise, fayne, and make a name imitating the sound of that it signifyeth, as hurlyburly, for an up rore and tumultuous stirre. So in Baret's Alvearie, 1573:-'But harke yonder: what hurlyburly or noyse is yonde: what sturre ruffling or bruite is that? The witches could not mean when the storm was done, but when the tumult of the battle was over; for they are to meet again in lightning, thunder, and rain: their ele ment was a storm. 4 Upton observes, that, to understand this passage, we should suppose one familiar calling with the voice of a cat, and another with the croaking of a toad. A paddock most generally seems to have signified a toad, though it sometimes means a frog. What we now call a toadstool was anciently called a paddock-stool. 5 The first folio reads captain. 6 Sergeants, in ancient times, were not the pety officers now distinguished by that title, but men performing one kind of feudal military service, in rank next to esquires. Sold. Doubtful it stood; Who comes here? As two spent swimmers, that do cling together, (Worthy to be a rebel; for to that1 The multiplying villanies of nature Do swarm upon him), from the western isles Of Kernes and Gallowglasses is supplied;2 And fortune, on his damned quarry3 smiling, Like valour's minion, Carv'd out his passage, till he fac'd the slave; Dun. O, valiant cousin! worthy gentleman! Sold. As whence the sun 'gins his reflection Compell'd these skipping Kernes to trust their heels, 1 Vide Tyrwhitt's Glossary to Chaucer, v. for; and Pegge's Anecdotes of the English Language, p. 205. For to that means no more than for that, or cause that. The late editions erroneously point this passage, and as erroneously explain it. I follow the punctuation of the first folio. 2 i. e. supplied with armed troops so named. Of and with are indiscriminately used by our ancient writers. Gallorglasses were heavy-armed foot-soldiers of Ireland and the western isles: Kernes were the lighter armed troops. 3 But fortune on his damned quarry smiling. Thus the old copies. It was altered at Johnson's suggestion to quarrel, which is approved and defended by Steevens and Malone. But the old copy needs no alteration. Quarry means the squadron, escadre, or square body, anto which Macdonwald's troops were formed, better to receive the charge; through which Macbeth carved out his passage till he faced the slave.' 4 The meaning is, that Fortune, while she smiled on him, deceived him. 5 The old copy reads which. 6 Sir W. D'Avenant's reading of this passage, in his alteration of the play, is a tolerable comment on it: But then this daybreak of our victory Serv'd but to light us into other dangers, Enter ROSSE. The worthy thane of Rosse. Len. What a haste looks through his eyes! So should he look, That seems to speak things strange. 10 Rosse. God save the king! Dun. Whence cam'st thou, worthy thane? Rosse. From Fife, great king. Where the Norweyan banners flout the sky, Norway himself, with terrible numbers, The thane of Cawdor, 'gan a dismal conflict: Point against point rebellious, arm 'gainst arm, Rosse. That now Great happiness! Sweno, 14 the Norways' king, craves composition; Dun. No more that thane of Cawdor shall deceive Our bosom interest: -Go, pronounce his present death, And with his former title greet Macbeth. Rosse. I'll see it done. into the text by mistake, and that the line originally stood That now the Norway's king craves composition." 15 Colmes' is here a dissyllable. Colmes' Inch, now That spring from whence our hopes did seem to rise. fed on offals; the rumps being formerly part of the Break is not in the first folio. 7 Truth. 17 Rump-fed ronyon, a scabby or mangy woman, emoluments or kitchen fees of the cooks in great houses IS In The Discovery of Witchcraft, by Reginald Scott, 1584, he says it was believed that witches 'could sail in 8 That is, reports. 9 i. e. make another Golgotha as memorable as the an egg-shell, a cockle, or muscle-shell, through and first. 10 That seems about to speak strange things.' 11 So in King John: Mocking the air with colours idly spread." 12 By Bellona's bridegroom Shakspeare means Macbeth. Lapp'd in proof is defended by armour of proof. 13 Confronted him with self-comparisons. By him is meant Norway, and by self-comparisons is meant that he gave him as good as he brought, showed that he was his equal. 14 It appears probable, as Steevens suggests, that Sweno was only a marginal reference, which has crept under the tempestuous seas. And in another pamphlet, 'Declaring the damnable Life of Doctor Fian, a notable Sorcerer, who was buried at Edenborough in Januarie last, 1591,'-'All they together went to sea, each one in a riddle or cive, and went in the same very substantially, with flaggons of wine making merrie, and drinking by the way in the same riddles or cives, &c. Sir W. D'Avenant, in his Albovine, 1629, says'He sits like a witch sailing in a sieve.' It was the belief of the times, that though a witch could assume the form of any animal she pleased, the tail would still be wanting. |