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as a race, the homage due to that true Sun of righteousness whose symbol only they now adore? Thus might the Parsis, as a small, compact, conspicuous band, like the "immortals" of their ancient kings, become the leaders of the regenerated East. It is high time for thein to awake. If they do not, the priceless honor now within their grasp will, to the Parsis as a community, ere long be lost forever.

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NOTE. We have spoken of books composed in the dialect usually called Zend. Some reference ought also to be made to that known by the name of Phalavi. The language of Persia during the Sasanian dynasty may be included under the name. It is remarkable for the large admixture which it contains of Shemitic vocables. The Persian kings used it in their rockinscriptions and on coins. The language thus bridges over the interval between Zend and modern Persian, the latter commencing, to speak somewhat vaguely, in the eighth century after Christ. Persian, as generally written, contains a great amount of Arabic; but the Shemitic words in Pahlavi very seldom coincide with the Shemitic words in Persian. Pahlavi is altogether a peculiar tongue. A translation of the Avesta exists in Pahlavi. The first chapter of the Vendidad has just been published, with a translation and notes, by Geiger. The Pahlavi version is valuable as exhibiting the traditional interpretation of the Avesta as it existed among the Parsis under the Sasanian kings; but Zend by that time was a dead language, and the Pahlavi version is far from a safe guide.

Several other works exist in Pahlavi, among which the Arda Viraf Namah, Bundahish, Dinkard, Vajar-kard, and Minok-ikhard, are the most remarkable. They shed much light on religious thought and life as these existed among the Zoroastrians under the revived Persian empire. They are marked generally by a fairly pure morality and an excessive and often childish ritualism.

We may still briefly point out the references to the Parsi religion that are found in the Christian Scriptures. In Ezekiel viii, 16, 17, we read of men worshiping the sun toward the east, and "putting the branch to their nose," that is, bringing a twig toward their face. We know, both from the testimony of Strabo and from coins, that the Magi did so in prayer. The

Parsi priests still employ a bundle of twigs (called Barsom) in the same manner.

In the designation (Isa. xlvi, 11) given to Cyrus, vy, (which may be rendered aɛrós, "eagle," instead of "ravenous bird,") there is an allusion to the eagle as the ensign of the ancient Persians. In the address to Cyrus in Isa. xlv, 7, occurs the very striking verse, "Forming light and creating darkness; making peace and creating evil; I, Jehovah, am doing all these." It seems highly probable that here we have an allusion to the Parsi doctrine, which referred the creation of light and good to Ahura-mazda, and that of darkness and evil to Anro-mainyus, (Ahriman,) the constant opponent of the good power. He who says to Cyrus, "I have surnamed thee, though thou hast not known me," proclaims to the great conqueror that he is Jehovah, doing, and doing alone, the whole creative work.

In the Zendavesta itself we find only two words which are probably Shemitic-hara, a mountain, a tanūra, an oven.

In the Hebrew Scriptures there are several words of Persian origin, and of course many proper names. The most notable term is the word for Paradise. The Hebrew pardes (779) is found in the later books, as Sol. Song iv, 13, where it is rendered in our version orchard; Neh. ii, 8, rendered forest; and Eccles. ii, 5, in the plural, rendered orchards. The word has often been traced to the Sanscrit paradesha; but that term properly means foreign country. Haug derives it from the Zend pairi-daeza, which simply means circumvallation, inclosure.

The terms 1 (Māg) (Jer. xxxix, 3) and μáyo (Matt. ii, 1) are derived from the Zend magava, which in the cuneiform inscriptions is given as magush.

FOURTH SERIES, VOL. XXXI.-9

ART. VIII.-SYNOPSIS OF THE QUARTERLIES AND OTHERS OF THE HIGHER PERIODICALS.

American Quarterly Reviews.

AMERICAN CATHOLIC QUARTERLY REVIEW, October, 1878. (Philadelphia.)-1. The Catholic University Question in Ireland and England. 2. The Position of the Blessed Virgin in Catholic Theology. 3. Sir Thomas More. 4. The Total Solar Eclipse of July 29th, 1878. 5. Ritualism in its Relation to Catholicity on the One Hand, and to Protestantism on the Other. 6. The Jewish Element in the Church a Proof of its Apostolic Origin. 7. Meteorological Aspects of the Pacific Coast. 8. Cathedral Chapters as Adapted to the United States. 9. The

Labor Question. BIBLIOTHECA SACRA, October, 1878. (Andover.)-1. Isocrates. 2. The Concept of God as the Ground of Progress. 3. Christian Perfection. 4. Doctrine of the Epistle of James. 5. On Assyriology-A Criticism. 6. Symmetry and Rhythm. 7. The Controversy among the Protestant Missionaries on the Proper Translation of the Words God and Spirit into Chinese.

LUTHERAN QUARTERLY, October, 1878. (Gettysburg.)-1. How shall we Train the Ministry for the Times. 2. Ansgar. 3. Ascensio Isaiæ. 4. Studies in Gospel Harmony. 5. The Power of Darkness. 6. The Fullness of Christ. 7. Hartwick Seminary.

NEW ENGLANDER, November, 1878. (New Haven.)-1. A Scholar of the Twelfth Century. 2. Reconstruction of the History of the Early Roman Catholic Legislation in Maryland with Regard to Religious Freedom. 3. Spinoza. 4. The Proper Attitude of Religious Teachers toward Scientific Experts. 5. Reaction of New England on English Puritanism in the Seventeenth Century. 6. Shall we Adhere to the English Method of Pronouncing Latin? 7. Latin Pronunciation. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW, November-December, 1878. (New York.)-1. The Government of the United States. 2. Systems of Offense and Defense in Naval Warfare. 3. The Congress of Berlin and its Consequences. 4. Japan and the Western Powers. 5. The Financial Resources of New York. 6. The Public Health. 7. Pessimism in the Nineteenth Century. 8. Antipathy to the Negro. 9. The Emperor Hadrian and Christianity.

Mr. Parton's article on the "negro" is interesting as coming from a "democrat" of the old Jeffersonian school. Its three positions are: 1. That there is no natural antipathy to the negro, all our repugnance being artificial; 2. The negro is inferior intellectually to the Caucasian, no pure negroes having attained even a tenth place in literature, or any other intellectuality; and, 3. It was a fearful misfortune for the negro to have been enfranchised and brought into politics. On each of these three points we agree and disagree with Mr. Parton. First, There is, if not an "antipathy," a self-preference in each race. The standard of sexual beauty is different in each from the other. Hence, while we condemn all laws prohibiting intermarriage as an unnecessary intermeddling, we believe that without any disturbing influence amalgamation would grow increasingly rare. Slavery was such a disturbing in

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fluence, producing lawless amalgamation. Freedom has, as we are well informed, diminished mulattoism.

Second, That the negro is inferior to the Caucasian we suppose is shown both by history and physiology, but not to the extent affirmed. Professor Blyden, whose article in Fraser's Magazine we quoted in our last Quarterly, is a pure negro; and his standing is far above tenth rate, and not much inferior to Mr. Parton's own. We prefer as an intellectual production Blyden's in Fraser to Parton's in the North American.

Third, It is a misfortune for the negro, not that he is admitted into politics, but that the politics into which he is admitted are so hostile and repressive. As a voter he votes more wisely than the Northern imported Irishman. But he comes as an inferior in collision with not only a cerebrally superior, but a wealthier, more cultured, and a hostile race. And the difficulty of the problem is that his political predominance in any State would depreciate the standard of its civilization. We should feel no little sympathy with Charleston struggling against a half-civilized majority, were it not that Charleston rejoices apparently in seeing New York governed by incivilization, and sustains its predominance. General Grant, in his last message, advocated an educational test of suffrage for both North and South, and the subject underwent a brief discussion. We advocated it in an editorial in our Quarterly. It is interesting to note how the proposition was treated by our Southern brethren. They professed surprise that such a proposal should come from the special patrons of the negro, and pleasantly intimated that the time seemed to be coming when themselves would be found the true advocates of the negroes' rights! Another fact is that soon after the close of our civil war the administration and Congress offered to the South an amendment of the Constitution leaving the question of enfranchisement to each State Government, but providing that the representation of each State in the National Government should be proportioned to the number of its voters. That was, we think, a fair arrangement. It left negro enfranchisement in the hands of the white South, but furnished motive for the enfranchisement of a qualified minority of colored men. It left civilization, as it should be, in the ascendant. It was right, for certainly it is the legal voters who are to be represented in the

representative body. But the Southern States refused that proposal. What was their reason? We will not assign the reason; but we will guess the reason which the Northern people are very likely to assign. They will say that the Southern leaders mean to maintain the legal rights of the negroes to vote, and then suppress the negro's attempt to exercise his right. They maintain the legal right in order to retain thirty-five votes in the national representation, and then they annul the negro vote, to concentrate the whole in their own hands. The old oligarchy is then restored, not over chattel slaves, but over disfranchised serfs. And this renders their State elections a national concern. They cannot say that "the North has no business with the matter." Congressmen and Presidents are by them to be elected on that basis to rule over us of the North. It was by that process, most of our North believes, that Mr. Tilden secured a fraudulent majority of the actual votes in 1876, when he was not the choice of a majority of the actual legal voters. We would if we could urge upon our Southern contemporaries the danger of any such attempt to found their sectional supremacy on a permanent violation of the Constitution. That danger is increased by the fact that the census of 1880 is likely to give the North an electoral vote twice as large as that of the South. The Southern leaders cannot safely base a power on suppressing by wholesale a million of legal votes, whose legal rights they claim shall be retained. We believe the true remedies are: 1. An educational test of suffrage, supplemented by an educational system. 2. An energetic system of immigra tion southward of a white industrial population, with a much larger attention to industrial interests, and diminished zeal in politics. 3. An earnest endeavor to maintain the spirit of conciliation and union, and a dismissal on both sides of aiming at sectional supremacy. The solid South and solid North should become fluid, with an easy and genial interchanging current southward and northward.

Since the above views were put in type we have noted a remark made by Mr. Lamar in the Senate, in reply to an eminent Northern Senator, which points out the true and saving policy: "Sir, had the Senator come forward with some welldevised scheme of public education to fit this newly enfranchised race, every one would have recognized the propriety

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