he finds "that all that has been in the world-the lust of the flesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life”—has been worse than "vanity and vexation of spirit," and "that, for all these things, God will call him into judgment."

One can scarcely imagine a more impressive homily on the wretchedness and folly of a sensual life, than Shakspeare's account of this libertine's career.

"So 'a cried out-God! God! God! three or four times: now I, to comfort him, bid him, 'a should not think of God; I hoped there was no need to trouble himself with any such thoughts, yet.'

"Miserable comfort!" "wretched man!" are the natural and heartfelt exclamations of every reader. It is Shakspeare who extorts these exclamations; and shall I spend another sentence, or make another quotation, (although hundreds are at my service), in defence of his piety?

Now, I shall be asked by many excellent and well educated mothers, (who may have read Shakspeare themselves), if I would allow his works to lie, for common use, like those of Cowper or Montgomery (not Robert), on the parlour table, or would read them, indifferently, aloud at the parlour fire. I would not, any more than I would open a public dissecting room to a promiscuous crowd of men, women, and children. Shakspeare is the anatomist of the heart; and although thousands of his exhibitions of it may be inspected with freedom and delight by the most maidenly in any circle, and although all are improving in effect, when looked on with pure and honest eyes, yet there are many to be studied in private. There are not a few sights, from "the chambers of imagery," to be found on his pages that will both horrify and confound, although our horror and confusion will not be against him. We shall tremble and blush at ourselves; we shall have indignation and shame to find that, in the secrecy of the heart, and in situations of supposed obscurity, the human being, however noble and pure in appearance, can be guilty of diabolical and beastly excess.

Neither would I advise but deprecate the study of Shakspeare in the theatre.

He can be better understood in the solitude of the closet; and there, at least, the student will enjoy the security of distance from those moral contaminations which surround the stage. The dramatist who cannot impress without assistance from the process of scenic representation, is unworthy of notice.

VINDEX.

PRINTED BY GEORGE RICHARDSON, 35, MILLER STREET.

WHEN the Peel Club was instituted, the chief object of its founders was to concentrate the strength of the Conservative party within the University. They were anxious that the glory with which the Rectorate had been invested, by the election of Sir Robert Peel, should be dimmed by no unworthy successor. As yet their wishes have been fully realized, and they have a sufficient pledge for the future in the increasing strength of the Club. But to regard the Club merely in its influence upon the University, would be to take a very limited view of the subject. Its influence has been felt amongst the merchants of this great Commercial City, and has extended itself through all ranks of the people; and hence it may tell, not only upon the election of Lord Rectors for our University, but also upon the election of individuals qualified to represent the City in the Senate of the nation. Nor must we stop here. It has an influence upon the nation at large, and is thus contributing towards the speedy re-ascendancy of those principles upon which the salvation of our country depends.

These remarks have been suggested by the truly gratifying proceedings of the Club, at its Fourth Anniversary Dinner. At no previous Anniversary has there been such an assemblage of rank, talent, and influence. To the members of the Club, this is a matter for honest exultation, while it calls for an expression of gratitude to those friends who have not yet enrolled themselves in their ranks, but who came

forward, on this occasion, with a gratifying promptitude, to testify their attachment to the principles upon which the Association is founded, and to assist in extending its influence. A considerable portion of the enthusiasm which marked the proceedings of the evening is, no doubt, to be attributed to the presence of the justly popular nobleman who filled the Chair with such honour to himself, and satisfaction to the assembled company. Many of those who were then present had witnessed his noble bearing in the lists of Eglinton, and had experienced the kind hospitality which has given the noble Earl a hold on the affections of his countrymen, which will not soon be relaxed. But, independent of this, there were noble bursts of enthusiasm elicited by the utterance of those great constitutional principles which are daily spreading through the land. The names of Wellington and Peel were received as they deserve to be; and the admiration in which their characters are held, and the confidence with which the Conservative party look up to them as the honoured individuals who are destined to rescue the country from impending danger, were marked in the most emphatic manner. It must, moreover, have gratified the heart of every faithful Protestant to have witnessed the enthusiasm with which the toast of "Protestant Supremacy" was received. The news that the men and the youth of Scotland are buckling on their armour for the approaching conflict, will, no doubt, rejoice the hearts of those devoted men who, in England, are marshalling their forces to go forth to the battle with the Papacy. The conflict must come. Let all be prepared for it.

The interest which the whole body of Conservatives throughout the kingdom have manifested towards the University Peel Club, will encourage its members to proceed in their honourable career. They are determined in no degree to relax from their efforts. They feel confident in their strength; but they know the wily craftiness of the enemy. They wait only for another election to give a final and irresistible proof that the reign of Whiggism within our University is for ever at an end, and that henceforth none but Conservatives shall fill the Rectorial Chair.

A WORD TO THE INDIFFERENT ON THE PRESENT STATE OF THE COUNTRY.

If we enquire into the history of past empires, and examine the causes which have led to their destruction, in most, if not in all cases, we shall find, that that event was preceded by great inertness on the part of the people, and incapacity or treachery in the rulers; and if we look

farther back into the causes of these events, we shall see that this inactivity and false security was generally the result of great and longcontinued prosperity. Such is the lesson which history furnishes us. It is a lesson which should never be forgotten by any one who has a real desire for the welfare of his country, and which should stimulate every Briton to make the important enquiry, whether such symptoms of decline are not observable at this moment throughout the British Empire; and if he finds that the great mass of the people are either sunk in listless repose, or eagerly engaged in trifling disputes, unheeding, or ignorant of the storm that is gathering around them; if he finds the rulers preferring their own to the common interests, and trifling with the destinies of the empire, then we say, it is that man's duty, his sacred duty, to stand forward in the cause of his country, and oppose, to the utmost, those measures which would lead to the dismemberment and destruction of the empire.

In opposition to these views we hear it said by many, that they are men of no party-that they take no share in politics; that they don't care what party are in power, whether Conservative, Whig, or Radical; and it has been frequently urged as an objection against the Peel Club, that it tends to excite political feelings in the University, and to divert the minds of the Students from those literary occupations which ought exclusively to engage their attention. Now, in looking at this objection, in so far as it regards the Peel Club, it may be answered in a few words. The Peel Club was instituted with no intention of drawing away the minds of the Students from their pursuits at the University: nor has it done so. It is a literary as well as a political Club. But while we say this, it is not meant to deny, that the main object proposed by its institution was to maintain that ascendancy which Conservative principles had acquired in the University. We are not of opinion that even Students should wholly disregard the events which are going on around them; we consider that they should know something of the present as well as the past history of their country; that they should not devote themselves so exclusively to literary pursuits, as wholly to neglect those common interests with which their welfare, as individuals, is so intimately connected. In short, the doctrine which we hold is this, that indifference to the present state of affairs on the part of any man, whether Student or not, is highly criminal, and is a direct dereliction of those duties which he is bound to perform, as a member of civil society. But some may say, "Why this cry of danger? see nothing alarming." All is calm! If it be which precedes the storm. But all is not calm. discerned the source from which will spring future convulsions of the

All is peace.

We

so, it is the calm Even now may be

world. Even now may be heard the internal agitations of the volcano, and soon will it burst forth in all its fury. But, more particularly, we state that the dangerous condition of the country proceeds from two sources: the one, internal; the other, external. At present we will confine ourselves to the first of these sources, which may be treated of under two heads.

I. The danger which arises from the changes which are sought to be made upon our civil and religious institutions. The constitution of Great Britain is not the work of a day or a year,-it is the work of ages. It has advanced from a weak and feeble infancy, till now it has arrived at the full vigour of manhood. Under it, this country has risen to a pitch of prosperity unparalleled in the annals of the world. She has extended her empire to every quarter of the globe. Nearly two hundred millions of human beings submit to her authority. Her ships float upon every sea, and her commerce extends to every nation upon earth. It was under her Protestant constitution that Britain attained her present supremacy; and yet that constitution is sought to be destroyed. Alas, for the times! Too true is it that a daring spirit of innovation has taken deep root amongst us, and men are prepared to tear down our institutions, and to sacrifice all the benefits which they confer upon us, at the shrine of theoretical opinions, which have no foundation-which are absolutely absurd. Strange and unheard of notions of supremacy have been instilled into the multitude by wily agitators, whose only aim is to raise themselves upon the ruins of the monarchy.

What care they for the freedom of the crowd?
They raise the humble but to bend the proud.

"The Rights of the People" are for ever talked of. The cry that "all men are equal" has been raised in every city and village throughout the country. Popular insurrection has followed, which has terminated, for a season, in blood.

But it is not to this quarter we are to look, if we wish to behold the real danger of the country. Did those men, into whose hands the government of the empire has been committed, discharge the duties imposed upon them, with faithfulness and ability;-did there not exist a strong party in the state, who, while they openly profess an attachment to our constitution, countenance and support measures which are calculated to undermine it;-then, I say, we might treat with contempt the ignorant pretensions of a powerless rabble. But are these things so? Is the government of this country conducted as that of a protestant country ought to be? We hesitate not a moment to answer in the negative. It is not once, but again and again that the Protestant