XIX. BOOK of having violated the law of nations and the stipulations of existing treaties, by an attempt 1793. to deprive the republic of the United Provinces of the exclusive navigation of the Scheld. No evidence, however, has been offered to convince us that this exclusive navigation was, either in itself, or in the estimation of those who were alone interested in preserving it, of such importance as to justify a determination in our government to break with France on that account. If, in fact, the States General had shewn a disposition to defend their right by force of arms, it might have been an instance of the truest friendship to have suggested to them for their serious consideration, how far the assertion of this unprofitable claim might, in the present circumstances of Europe, tend to bring into hazard the most essential interests of the republic. We must farther remark, that the point in dispute seemed to us to have been relieved from a material part of its difficulty by the declaration of the minister of foreign affairs in France, that the French nation gave up all pretensions to determine the question of the future navigation of the Scheld. Whether the terms of this declaration were perfectly satisfactory or not, they at least left the question open to pacific negotiation."In a subsequent part of XIX. this masterly address notice is taken of the war BOOK waged against France by the invaders and oppressors of Poland, preceded by manifestoes 1793. differing from the ordinary hostilities of civilised nations. "No effort appears to have been made to check the progress of these invading armies. His majesty's ministers, under a pretended respect for the rights and independence of other sovereigns, thought fit, at that time, to refuse even the INTERPOSITION of his majesty's COUNSELS and Good Offices, to save so great and important a portion of Europe from falling under the dominion of a foreign power. But no sooner, by an ever-memorable reverse of fortune, had France repulsed her invaders and carried her arms into their territory, than his majesty's ministers, laying aside that collusive indifference which had marked their conduct during the invasion of France, began to express alarms for the general security of Europe."-The address concludes with condemning, in the most energetic terms," the conduct of his majesty's ministers throughout the whole of these transactions: a conduct which could lead to no other termination but that to which it seems to have been studiously directed of plunging this country into an unnecessary war. The calamities of such a war must be aggravated, in the estimation of every rational mind, by reflecting on the peculiar ad XIX. 1793. BOOK vantages of that fortunate situation which we have so unwisely abandoned, and which not only exempted us from sharing in the distresses and afflictions of the other nations of Europe, but converted them into sources of benefit, improvement, and prosperity, to this country. His majesty is, lastly, implored no longer to listen to the counsels which have forced us into this unhappy war; but to embrace the earliest occasion which his wisdom may discern of restoring to his people the blessings of peace." Remark able motion ridan. Mr. Pitt declaring, in a few words, that it was unnecessary to enter upon any new discussion relative to the grounds and reasons of the war, the question was put, and the motion of Mr. Grey negatived without a division. Unbounded obloquy having been thrown on of Mr. She- the views and characters of those who had opposed the measures of administration, Mr. Sheridan, on the 4th of March, moved, That the house should resolve itself into a committee to consider of the seditious practices, &c. referred to in his majesty's speech; declaring at the same time, openly and freely, that his intention was to institute a rigorous inquiry into the truth of the reports so insidiously circulated. The motion of Mr. Sheridan was negatived without a division; but it had the first sensible effect upon the public mind, in exonerating the op XIX. position from the calumnies to which they had BOOK been so long exposed, and in weakening the belief of many respectable persons in the reality 1793. of those pretended secret machinations against the government which ministers, as Mr. Sheridan declared himself confident, had denounced for no other purpose than to divert the attention of the public from the actual state of things, and to betray them blindly and with greater facility into a war. correspond ence bill On the 15th of the same month, the attorney-Traitorous general, sir John Scott, introduced his famous "Traitorous Correspondence Bill," by which it was not only, according to the precedent of former bills passed at the commencement of former wars, declared to be high-treason to supply the existing government of France with military stores, &c. but to purchase lands of inheritance in France, or invest money in any of the French funds also to prevent the subjects of Britain from going from this country to France without a license under the great seal. It even prohibited the return of such as were already there, unless on giving security to the government. This bill met with much opposition, and several of the most obnoxious clauses of it were modified. and mitigated in its passage through the two, houses. At this period of the session, also, Mr. Pitt XIX. BOOK brought forward his annual statement of finance; and scarcely had the war commenced, 1793. when a debt of six millions was incurred and funded, the temporary taxes imposed for defraying the expense of the Spanish armament being made permanent as a provision for the interest of this new capital. In such a war as that in which we were now engaged for the safety of the country, the security of Europe; and the cause of justice, humanity, and religion, Mr. Pitt professed his hope and confidence, that our exertions would terminate only with our lives. Adjourn Soon after which, the two houses adjourned for the Easter recess. ment of liament. par. State of affairs on the During this interval, it may be proper to transfer our attention to the state of affairs on the Continent. In the course of the winter, general Dumouriez Continent. had proposed to the Excutive Council to take possession of Maestricht, without which he alleged neither the passage of the Meuse nor the territory of Liege could be defended; engaging, by manifesto, to restore it to the Dutch at the end of the war. That important city being then wholly unprepared for defence, the attempt was no doubt extremely feasible; but the government of France, with a firmness which shewed their reluctance to break with the maritime powers, resisted this great temptation, and expressly |