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our surprise, that a man of the highest rank in the kingdom, below the sovereign, should meditate murder for his personal exaltation, and be so insensible to the depravity of the conception, as to hire and combine with others to effect it. He deserved the execution of his legal doom as much as any conspiring assassin merits such an infliction. But yet, still to see blood-nothing but blood! It is revolting to our present sense of rectitude and humanity. Nor can we avoid recoiling, with aversion and displeasure, to find that the criminal suffered, even if he deserved to suffer, by his royal nephew, after seven weeks interval-and the middle space devoted to the joyous festivities of Christmas-again signing his name to authorize another uncle's extinction, who meant no personal evil to him, and who was planning no hostility against him. It is a second instance of Edward's facility to evil persuasion, and of moral insensibility to the most common and most indispensable of all our human sympathies; and as he was now in his fifteenth year, and displays in his literary remains much indication of mental reflection and discrimination, it is difficult to withhold from the act our most emphatic censure." Happy is the golden mediocrity

46 Having been found guilty only on the felony, and not on the treason, the public, observing that the axe which had preceded him in the procession to his trial, was put down on his coming out after its conclusion, thought he had been acquitted, and so clamorously applauded, that the shouts at Westminster Hall were heard at Charing Cross. Edw. 60. Stowe, 606. Godw. 247. At his execution, sir Anth. Brown being seen riding toward the scaffold, All hoped he had brought a pardon, on which there was a general shouting, Pardon! Pardon! God save the king!' many throwing up their caps.' Burn. 3. p. 297. Several dipped their handkerchiefs in his blood, for sacred relics. Godw. 251.

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47 Edward's entry of the final catastrophe, in his Journal, is merely 22 Jan. The duke of Somerset had his head cut off upon Tower Hill,

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of life, in which the heart can cherish its sensibilities, CHAP. and the mind pursue its love of knowlege and improvement, unstained and undisturbed by the jealousies of power, the competitions of the ambitious, and the infelicities of state grandeur and of demoralizing or debilitating luxuries!

From these domestic incidents, we may turn our glance, for a short time, to the transactions on the continent, which England was then most interested to notice. No actual war took place between Henry II. and Charles V. for four years after the accession of the former, in 1547, tho both kings lived in that state of jealous mistrust of the other, which created a continuing probability of national hostilities. The French sovereign was impatient to distinguish himself, yet remembered too well what France had suffered from the imperial invasions, to commit it again to the chance of arms, merely to please the court of Rome, or to suit its temporary interests. He waited till events should arise to give him a reasonable probability of successful hostilities; and therefore the peace which had been made between Francis I. and Charles V., at Crepy, in 1544, remained for seven

48

between eight and nine o'clock in the morning.' p. 65. The duke's treasures and lands became forfeited to the crown on his conviction; of these, Covent Garden, and the seven acres, called Long Acre, were granted to J. Russell, earl of Bedford. Strype's Ecc. v. 2. p. 540. Mr. Ellis, in his Second Series of Letters, has printed Cecil's MS. of the questions put to the duke while in the Tower: they show the practices of which he had been accused or was suspected. v. 2. p. 214. From the third of these, it appears that he went to Ely Place, to apprehend the duke of Northumberland, then Earl of Warwick,' but desisted from executing his purpose; yet afterwards repented that he had not done it. And from the fifth, that he had conferred with some persons about taking the Isle of Wight, and fortifying Poole. ib. It is therefore probable that he had involved himself in some treasonable machinations, far more decidedly than his unfortunate brother.

48 It was signed 17 September 1544. Its dangerous article to the

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years undisturbed. In the meantime Henry aimed to strengthen his maritime frontier, by obtaining Boulogne from the English; and his influence in Scotland, by procuring its queen, the celebrated Mary, to be educated in France, preparatory to her marriage with his son.

The emperor endeavored to reconcile the protestant and catholic parties in Germany, by that system of doctrine and discipline, which is contained in the public document called 'The Interim.'49 It was composed at Augsburg, by some of the most moderate of the contending leaders.50 Charles thought he had accomplished a grand undertaking by its construction; but as it did not go to the extent desired by their respective followers, it was angrily attacked the next year by Calvin; some cities refused

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Reformation was, that the two kings agreed to employ all their care and their forces for the re-establishment of the antient religion, and of the unity of the church.' 2 Heiss Germ. Emp. 88.

49 It was completed in May 1548, when the emperor recommended it in a speech from his throne to the diet at Augsburg, by whom it was adopted. It became a favorite plan of Charles, as such a fair accommodation of the contended points, which every Catholic might assent to; and certainly if contrasted with all the decisions of the council of Trent, claims a superior confidence and character. But as it did not suit the political objects and machinery of the papal hierarchy, the confessor of Charles at one time refused him absolution, unless he would recal it.

50 Its chief author was Julius Pflug, a benevolent, enlightened and amiable Catholic, who was at that time counsellor to George duke of Saxony, and was afterwards made bishop of Naumberg. Erasmus classed him with Sadolet and Bembo, as in dicendo felicissimorum.' Of their common style he warmly exclaims, qui candor orationis! quam felix facilitas! quanta sensuum sanitas! quam omnia coherent! amnes, qui limpidissimi in morem inoffense labuntur! I can love such Ciceronians with my whole soul.' Ep. 1170. Pflug died in 1564, æt. 61. Erasmus addressed to him, in July 1530, his conciliatory treatise, De amabili ecclesiæ concordia.' He had asked Erasmus to be a 'Sedatorem hujus tempestatis,' who, as an attempt to be so, composed that treatise in a commentary on the 84th Psalm, 'In quo Divinus ille Spiritus mire nobis commendat ecclesiæ concordiam. See it in Brown's Fascic. 1. p. 437.

In 1549 Calvin republished it with his opposing criticism, entitled,

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it; and the bishop of Fano was directed by the pope to remonstrate strenuously against it.53 The emperor represented to the envoy of the Vatican, that he knew no other way to restore peace and repose to his empire, and that his holiness ought not to complain, as every honor which belonged to his dignity had been preserved. This care to please the pontiff only made the Protestants the more discontented with some part of the arrangement; and when Charles left Germany, they treated his conciliatory modification with contempt.

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In the autumn of 1548, the probabilities of the emperor's rupture with France increasing, Henry II. intimated to his ambassador, that Charles would find that any attack on him, whose fortune and forces he had never put to a trial, would be too hazardous to be lightly undertaken;" that he had been long pre

'Vera Christianæ Pacificationis et ecclesiæ reformationis ratio.' And an ignotus typographus' having attacked him on the sanctification of infants, and the baptism of women, he published, in 1550, an angry appendix, in which he descends to say of his critic, in the same style which so often disgraced Luther and sir Thomas More, Forte bene potus, vini aut cervisiæ suæ fumos in me exhalavit.' He adds, but it may be that some one even fasting, cum turbulento cerebro' has made an attack upon me;' as if none but those that were drunk or mad could differ from him in opinion.

52 Sir P. Hoby's letter, July 1548. Strype's Mem. v. 2, p. 172. 43 Ribier, v. 2, p. 143.

"The dispatch from Rome, on 14 May 1548, states this. Rib. ib. 55 Sir P. Hoby informed the protector, that the articles to which the Protestants could not agree, were 6 on the authority and power of the church; on confirmation; penance; the ceremonies and use of the sacrament; the memory, intercession, and invocation of the saints; the sacred unction; the Eucharist; the pope.' Strype, p. 175.

56 The French king, on 15 Dec. 1548, informed his ambassador, "The emperor is still at Brussels, where he continues 'sa diette,' for the recovery of his health. He is urged to return to Germany in the spring, for every day the towns and states are revolting from him, who, since his absence, have disputed and condemned his Interim, and have returned to their former mode of living.' Rib. 176.

57 The king stated these points in his Memoire to the cardinal Bellay;

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BOOK paring for such a contingency;58 that England was

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not in a condition to do him harm,50 and that he could easily embroil it, nor did he fear any thing from the civil discussions in his kingdom." To be still more ready for vigorous hostilities, he put in action the papal counsel, of applying to the Ottoman Porte for the assistance of his fleet. The war was still suspended, and the French clergy resisted the pope's intention of diminishing the pluralities of the cardinals.63

adding, as to himself, that the emperor should find that he had no want of a 'Coeur grand et magnanime,' nor of valiant men.' Ribier 2, p. 172. 58 Since his coming to the crown, he has not lost time, but has collected a great quantity of artillery and other necessaries, both for defence and attack, and is re-establishing his gendarmerie, and paying them every quarter, to be able to make better head than ever.' 173.

59 He is not so attached to the English, but that he always holds both ends of the cord; and they are at present reduced to such an extremity, for want of men and money, from the length of time since they had a war, in which they are plus excessifs en despense' than any other nation, that it will be very difficult for them, if not impossible, to be able to strike a great blow in any place for a long time, unless they be aided from other quarters.' ib. 173.

60 If the king had not more than one thing to think of, he could so embarrass them, that they would not know on what side to turn themselves.' He added, that the fortresses in Scotland had been made impregnable; that the English could undertake nothing there, and all the entrances were closed against them.' ib.

No gentlemen, or others of quality, favor the emotions. These occur only from the artisans, gens mechaniques, and others of a low and vile condition.' After noticing the executions done by the duke of Aumale and the constable, he says, The poor people will, therefore, never dare to return to such proceedings.' ib. 174.

62 On 15th December 1548, the king wrote to D'Aramon, his envoy at Constantinople: Remember what I expressed to you in my other dispatch, to be urgent in the preparation and equipment of the GRAND SIGNOR'S fleet, and for him to send 50 or 60 galleys well fitted out, which, under the favor of my maritime forces, will be able to make 'un grand exploit et effet' for the common good of affairs between us, to the prejudice and damage of the infractors and violators of the treaty of truce.' Rib. 176. On 4th of the preceding February, the emperor expressed to the Grand Turk his gratification at receiving his powers for the confirmation of the truce. ib. 106.

63 On 1st March 1549, occurs the letter of the cardinals, bishops and priests, on the pope's decree, that no cardinal should have more than one church. Rib. 194. But in May we find the pope insisting that those who had pluralities should resign them, pursuant to his decree made two years before. ib. 213. The king desired that this might not have a retroactive operation. ib. 215. The pontiff took time to consider.