THE ROMAN ERA.

FROM B.C. 55, TO A.D. 409-463 YEARS.

CÆSAR'S FIRST INVASION.

In the latter part of the summer of the year 55, B.C. (Halley, the astronomer, has gone far to prove that the exact day was the 26th of August), a Roman fleet, bearing the infantry of two legions (about ten thousand men), collected at the Portus Itius (Witsand), between Calais and Boulogne. Eighty galleys bore the invaders across the narrow seas. As they neared the White Cliffs, which frowned upon their enterprise, Cæsar beheld them covered with armed natives, ready to dispute his landing.* The laurelled conqueror, who, according to Suetonius, only experienced three reverses during nine years' command in Gaul, would not risk the Roman discipline against the British courage on a coast thus girt with natural defences. It is held that the proper interpretation of his own narrative is, that he proceeded towards the north; and it is considered by most authorities that the flat beach between Walmer Castle and Sandwich was the place of his disembarkation.†

It was here, then, that the British and Roman weapons first came into conflict. But the captains and the standard-bearers marched not deliberately on shore, as they are represented on the column of Trajan, the cavalry and war-chariots of the active Britons met the invader on the beach; and whilst the soldiers hesitated to leave the ships, the standard-bearer of the tenth legion leaped into the water, exclaiming, as Cæsar has recorded, "Follow me, my fellow-soldiers, unless you will give up your eagle to the enemy. I, at least, will do my duty to the Republic, and to our general!" The Romans made good their landing. The symbols of the great Republic were henceforward to become familiar to the skin-clothed and painted Britons, but not as yet were they bound with the chain of the captive. The galleys in which the cavalry of Cæsar were approaching the British shores were scattered by a storm. This calamity, and his

*This so exactly agrees with the cliffs of Dover, towards the south foreland, that all men of judgment believe this to be the place. Rapin, p. 10.

Such is the shore at the mouth of the river that goes up to Richborough called, in Latin, Rhutupiæ, Rutupæ, or Portus Rutupensis. Dr. Gale calls Ritupæ, which suits best with the modern name.

Ibid.

The use of clothes was scarcely known in the island. None but the inhabitants of the southern coasts covered their nakedness with the skins of wild beasts, carelessly thrown over them; not so much to defend themselves against cold, as to avoid giving offence to the strangers that came to traffic with them. They were wont, by way of ornament, to make incisions on their bodies, in the shape of flowers, trees, and animals, which, with the juice of woad, they painted of a skycolour, that never wore out. These scars are, by Tertullian, termed Britannorum Stigmata. Rapin, p. 5.

imperfect acquaintance with the country and with the coast, determined the invader to winter in Gaul. It is a remarkable fact that Cæsar was ignorant of the height to which the tide rises in these narrow seas. A heavy spring tide came, and his transports, which lay at anchor, were dashed to pieces, and his lighter galleys, drawn upon the beach, were swamped with the rising waves. This second disaster occurred within a few hours after the conclusion of a peace between the invader and the invaded. That very night, according to Cæsar, it happened to be a full moon, when the tides always rise highest a fact at the time wholly unknown to the Romans. The Britons, with a breach of confidence that may almost be justified in the case of the irruption of a foreign power into a peaceful land, broke the treaty. Cæsar writes that they were signally defeated; but the invader hastily repaired to his ships, and set sail (about the 20th September), even without his hostages, for the opposite shores, where his power was better established. Knight's Old England, page 26.

CESAR'S SECOND INVASION.

Cæsar, according to his custom, went and passed part of the winter in Italy, leaving orders with his officers to repair the old, and build some new ships. When he received advice that his orders were executed he came to Portus Itius, where he found six hundred ships, and twenty-eight galleys, on board of which he put five legions (about thirty thousand men) and two thousand horse. He conducts this numerous fleet to a place on the British coast marked by him the summer before, and lands his forces without opposition.* Rapin, page 11.

CÆSAR'S PASSAGE OF THE THAMES. Cæsar marches towards the Thames, with intent to penetrate into Cassibellanus's dominions; when he comes to the river side, at a very difficult ford, he sees the enemy drawn up on the opposite bank; besides their great numbers they had fortified that part of the river with sharp stakes,† driven so deep that some of them did not appear above the water. Notwithstanding these obstacles, Cæsar resolves to attack them, and orders the horse to ride in,

He landed at the same place as before, no one daring to resist him, both on account of the multitude of the ships and because they reached the shore on so many points at once. Dion Cassius.

These stakes are just above Walton, in Surrey, and the meadow facing them is called Coway. They are, even now, to be seen at low water mark, and one of them was pulled out of the Thames last year, but with great difficulty. They are of oak, and though they have lain in the water so long, are as hard as Brazil, and as black as jet. At Shepperton, they have several knife handles made of them. Rapin, page 11.

Cæsar does not mention a stratagem he is said to make use of on this occasion. He caused an elephant, well fenced with iron, with a wooden tower on his back, full of men, to be forced into the river; the sight of which monstrous creature, that looked like a walking battery, did not a little contribute to frighten the Britons from the opposite shore. Polyænus Stratag, vol. i., p. 8.

and the foot to follow-the soldiers being scarce able to hold their hands above water to carry their arms. The attack was made with such resolution that the Britons at length were forced to quit their post, and leave the Romans a free passage.

Rapin, page 11.

CESAR'S DEPARTURE FROM BRITAIN.

Cæsar, after various fortunes, carried back his soldiers in the same year (B.c. 54) to Gaul. He set sail by night, in fear, he says, of the equinoctial gales. He left no body of men behind him--he erected no fortress. It is probable that he took back captives to adorn his triumph. But the Romans, with all their national pride, did not, in a succeeding age, hold Cæsar's expedition to be a conquest. Tacitus says, "He did not conquer Britain, but only shewed it to the Romans." Horace, calling upon Augustus to achieve the conquest, speaks of Britain as "intactus" (untouched): and Propertius, in the same spirit, describes her as "invictus (unconquered). Knight's Old England, page 26.

BOADICEA.

She was of the largest size, most terrible of aspect, most savage of countenance, and harsh of voice; having a profusion of yellow hair, which fell down to her hips, and wearing a large golden collar. She had on a party-coloured floating vest, drawn close about her bosom, and over this she wore a thick mantle, connected by a clasp. Such was her usual dress, but at this time she also bore a spear, that thus she might appear more formidable to all. Monumenta Historica Britannica.

FINAL RETIREMENT OF THE ROMANS.

The Romans bid a final adieu to Britain about the year 448, after being masters of the most considerable part of it during the course of nearly four centuries.*

Hume, p. 13.

BRITAIN

INDEPENDENT.

FROM 409 TO 455-46 YEARS.

HENGIST AND HORSA.

Hengist and Horsa, two brothers, possessed great credit among the Saxons, and were much celebrated for their valour and nobi lity. They were reputed, as most of the Saxon princes, to be sprung from Woden, who was worshipped as a god among those nations; and they are said to be his great grandsons. They landed in the island of Thanet, about the year 449, with sixteen hundred men. Hume, p. 19.

Rapin says it was in the year 426 or 427; Stillingfleet, in 418.

THE SAXON

HEPTARCHY.

FROM 455 TO 827-372 YEARS.

THE SEVEN KINGDOMS.

The seven English kingdoms existing between the fifth and ninth centuries, were those of Kent, South Saxons, or Sussex, West Saxons, or Wessex, East Saxons, or Essex, Northumberland, East Angleland, and Mercia. In 827, Egbert, King of Wessex, by a combination of events was enabled to assume the title of King of England.

During the existence, however, of the Heptarchy, it appears, there was generally one king, who, for a time, was supreme. But Egbert was solemnly crowned at Winchester, with the concurrence of a general council of the clergy and laity. He died in 837.

Raymond's Metrical Chronicle, p. 21.

ESTABLISHMENT OF CHRISTIANITY.

About eighteen or twenty years before the arrival of the Roman missionaries, in the reign of Alla, King of Deira, some young children were sent from thence to Rome to be sold. That sort of trade was then commonly done by the English, who made no scruple of selling their children when overstocked. These young slaves being exposed for sale in the public market, drew the eyes of vast numbers of people upon them, who could not admire them enough. Among the rest, Gregory, Archdeacon of Rome, beheld them very attentively. He inquired particularly after the place of their birth, and the religion there professed. As soon as he knew they were English,* and born of idolatrous parents, he resolved to go and preach the gospel to that nation. Being unable from his duties in Rome (having become pope) to carry out his good intention in person, he sent those whom he thought capable of inspiring the people with a relish for the gospel. He chose for this purpose forty Benedictine monks, with Austin (St. Augustin) at their head, in quality of abbot. Austin and his companions having passed through France, arrived at the Isle of Thanet in the year of our Lord 597. As soon as they were landed, he sent the king word that he was come into his dominions with a company of very honest men, to bring him a message of the greatest importance, and instruct him in what would procure him everlasting happiness. Upon this information Ethelbert ordered them to stay where they were, designing to go himself and hear from their own mouths the occasion of their journey. Some few days after he went to the Isle of Thanet, in company with the queen, who in all likelihood was

Bede has either invented, or else heard, that Pope Gregory made divers Latin allusions upon answers to his questions concerning those boys, particularly on being told they were angli, he replied "Benè nam angelicam habent faciem;" or as most historians have it, "Non angli sed angeli forent si fuissent christiani.”

not ignorant of the reason of Austin's coming. As soon as the king arrived, he seated himself in the open air, being apprehensive, as Bede says, of charms or spells, which in the open field he thought could have no power over him. Then, ordering the strangers to be called before him, he asked them what they had to propose? Austin, who was the spokesman, made a long harangue, preaching the gospel in a forcible and zealous manner. Ethelbert, informed by the interpreters what Austin had said, returned him this answer "Your proposals are noble, and your promises inviting; but I cannot resolve upon quitting the religion of my ancestors for one that appears to me supported only by the testimony of persons that are entire strangers to me. However, since, as I perceive, you have undertaken so long a journey on purpose to impart to us what you deem most important and valuable, you shall not be sent away without some satisfaction. I will take care you are treated civilly in my dominions, and supplied with all things necessary and convenient. And if any of my subjects, convinced by what you shall say to them, desire to embrace your religion, I shall not be against it." This first step being taken, the queen got leave for the missionaries to settle at Canterbury, the capital of Kent, where she took care to provide them with convenient lodgings, and procure them the liberty of preaching to as many as had the curiosity to hear them. They made so good use of this favourable juncture, that in a short time several of the principal Saxons embraced the Christian faith. The swift progress of the gospel at Canterbury raised the king's curiosity to be more particularly instructed in the nature of the religion those strangers preached. At length, by the persuasions of the queen, and frequent conferences with Austin, he received baptism about a year after the arrival of the missionaries. The conversion of the king being followed by that of multitudes of his subjects, the queen's chapel, which stood without the city, soon became too little to hold them, and therefore they were obliged to turn one of the heathen temples into a church, which was dedicated to St. Pancrace. Shortly after several other temples were served in the same manner by Ethelbert's order, and the foundations of Canterbury Cathedral were laid, which was dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul, and was afterwards called St. Thomas. Thus began the conversion of the Saxons in England. Austin and his fellow-labourers were the instruments made use of by Divine Providence to turn them from their idolatrous superstitions to the light of the gospel; a blessing their brethren in Germany enjoyed not till 200 years after, in the reign of Charles the Great. Ethelbert promoted to his utmost the conversion of his subjects, but without using the least violence or compulsion, having learnt of his instructors, as Bede expressly observes, "that God requires none to serve him but those who do it with a willing mind.' The Saxons were so eager to embrace the gospel that, if historians may be credited, Austin in one day baptized ten thousand in the river Swale, which runs into the Thames. Rapin, vol. i., p. 65.