sake of our churches in general, among whom many Melancthon to draw up an explicit statement of the pious minds are deeply wounded by his writings. principal articles of the Protestant faith, to be preLet them be consoled by this assurance, that funda- sented, if required, to the proposed council. A mental principles are faithfully retained in our similar paper was written by Brentius in the name churches; namely, the incorruptible ministry of the of the Wurtemburghers, and is called the Confesgospel, all the articles of faith and the use of the sion of Wurtemburg. When the former document Christian sacraments without alteration. The Son was ready, the prince convened all the theologians of God it is most certain is present with such a mi-at Leipsic, on the eighth of July, 1551, to hear it read nistry, and, as I have already said, hears the sup- and to deliberate upon its contents. It was unaniplications of such an assembly. Adieu, candid mously approved, and published in Latin and Gerreader. October, 1549." man, in 1552, under the title of "Repetitio Augustanæ Confessionis, sive ut dicitur Confessio doctrinæ Saxonicarum ecclesiarum, Synodo tridentino oblata, anno 1551, in qua, christiane lector, videbis, quinam et Catholicæ Ecclesiæ gremio resilierint, et per quos stet, quominus ecclesiæ pia concordia sanciatur, 1552." This, which is called the Saxonic Confession, was received by the churches of Pomerania and Strasburg. It will be proper to subjoin to this defence the emphatic language he uses in an epistle to his friend Matthesius-I trust you will not be influenced by the sycophantic writings of Flacius Illyricus, who invents absolute falsehoods. I have never said, I have never written, I have never thought what be declares I have said, respecting the phrase we are justified by faith only ;' namely, that it is absurd, and a kind of subtle trifling about words. I have indeed spoken and written many things respecting the manner in which the exclusive term is to be understood, as well as many others; and have been at great pains to correct the misinterpretations of many put upon the word only; but I propose replying to these virulent criminations." In the month of January, of the succeeding year, Melancthon began his journey to Trent. "Yesterday," says he, writing to George, prince of Anhalt, "I received letters from the court, containing the commands of our illustrious Elector, to George Major and myself to proceed to Nuremburg, where we are to wait further orders respecting our journey to If, in corresponding with his friends, Melancthon the general council, the duke of Wurtemberg and spoke of Flacius in very decided terms as a calum- the city of Strasburg having already sent their deniator, we cannot feel much surprised; but that the puties. But as no particular instructions are given, flagrant misrepresentations of his adversary should I propose proceeding direct to Dresden, whence have so deeply tinctured, as they have done, the ac- I will write to your highness. I sincerely wish the counts of distinguished historians, is truly deplora-court would not disregard the advice which is apble. Even Mosheim and his commentator have obviously leaned to the unfavorable side of the subject; and rather perpetuated dishonorable impressions than carefully guarded his fame. The language of this great Reformer, which has been copiously quoted in the present work, is in itself sufficient to evince the nature of those principles by which he was actuated, and the extreme absurdity of charging him with tergiversation. The Adiaphoristic controversy occasioned many other disputes, but we shall neither perplex our readers nor misspend our time by wandering into the briery wilderness of polemical divinity. To some of these debates, however, it will be proper briefly to allude, in relating the events of the time in which they were particularly agitated. CHAPTER XII. Articles prepared for the Council of Trent-Melancthon commences his journey thither-but returns, in consequence of Maurice changing his conduct, and declaring war against the Emperor-Peace of Passau-Plague-Withdrawment of the University of Wittemberg to Torgau-Osiander-Stancarus-Private afflictions-Meeting at Naumburg respecting the renewal of the ancient friendship subsisting between the houses of Saxony, Brandenburg and Hesse-Trans. actions relative to Servetus-John Frederic's release and death adherents-Melancthon's letters on the subject-Death of Jonas. Death of Maurice-Controversies-Persecutions of Flacius and his 1550 to 1557. proved by so many, that a general commission be sent, In the year 1550, in consequence of the importunate entreaties of the Emperor, Pope Julius III. who had succeeded the departed Paul III. appointed a council to be held at Trent; and in the Diet of Angsburg all the German princes, overawed by the During this delay public affairs assumed such a military attitude and resolute spirit of his Imperial posture as not only to stop the progress of MelancMajesty, consented to this convention. The Elector thon and his associates, but to place Germany in a Maurice was the least servile of any in this compli- new and interesting situation. The time was at ance, insisting upon these conditions, which, how- length arrived when the secret motives which inever, the archbishop of Mentz refused to enter in the fluenced the newly-created Elector of Saxony to a registers, that doctrinal points should be re-examin- mysteriousness of conduct which often perplexed ed and discussed-that this examination should be and astonished the Protestants, were at length fully conducted in the presence of the Protestant divines developed. From the intimacy to which the Emthat they should have the liberty of roting as well peror had admitted him, he soon perceived his deas deliberating-and that the Pope should not pre- sign of becoming the absolute dictator of Germany, side in the proposed council, either in person or by and every act convinced Maurice that he was sehis legates. Deeming it requisite to be fully pre-cretly rivetting on the chains of servitude, which his pared for the great occasion, Maurice commanded ambition had forged for his degraded country. He had Germany continued in a state of tranquillity. Now distress forces me to return, or rather 1 judge it a very unseasonable period to be disputing concerning Pontifical authority, in a council, amidst the alarms of civil war." The unprepared state of Charles and the vigorous activity of Maurice, combined with a variety of more private reasons which influenced the different powers of Germany, to produce the peace concluded in the month of August at Passau; in which, among other articles, it was stipulated that a Diet should be held within six months, to deliberate concerning the most effectual method of preventing in future all disputes in religion; that in the mean should upon any pretext whatever, offer injury or violence to such as adhered to the Confession of Augsburg, but allow them the free and undisturbed exercise of their religion; that the formulary of faith called the Interim, should be considered null and void; and that if the proposed Diet should not be able to terminate religious disputes, the present stipulations in behalf of the Protestants shall continue in full force and vigor. had frequently petitioned for the release of the Land-ed persons at Trent, I would nevertheless have gone grave of Hesse from imprisonment; to petitions he added remonstrances; but nothing could induce Charles to fulfil his engagements. Maurice was aware at the same time, that he was elevated to a commanding ascendancy among the Protestant princes, and the fairest prospects presented themselves for the gratification of his own eagerness for power and distinction. With the most consummate address he succeeded in retaining the fatal confidence of the Emperor while he deceived him, and in not losing entirely that of the Protestants, while he was necessitated in public to pursue a course which they must have often considered dangerous to their religion, if not subversive of their liberties. At length he prepared to strike the blow, by solicit-time neither the Emperor nor any other prince ing the protection of Henry II. king of France, who agreed to declare war against the Emperor, professedly for the sole purpose of emancipating the Landgrave of Hesse, as a Catholic prince could not unite with a Protestant association upon a religious account. Application was also made to the king of England, but the cabals incident to a court during a minority (it was the reign of Edward VI.) prevented that attention to foreign, and especially to religious affairs, which might otherwise have been expected. A last application for the liberty of the captive Landgrave was made in vain; Maurice still cajoled the Emperor, affected to be more than ever anxious to remove the difficulties which had arisen respecting a safe conduct to the Protestant divines, and, as we have seen, even commanded Melancthon to proceed on his journey to the council of Trent. He further intimated his intention of meeting his Imperial Majesty in person at Inspruck. Many rumors were beginning to circulate, but the Emperor and his confidential adviser, Granvelle, bishop of Arras, totally disregarded them; the sagacious minister and his imperial master being both lulled into a fatal security. At length Maurice took up arms, and published a manifesto, in which he represented that the defence of the Protestant religion, the liberties of Germany, and the release of the Landgrave of Hesse from unjust imprisonment, were the principal motives of his conduct. The council of Trent was instantly prorogued for two years, but circumstances prevented its actually re-assembling for the space of ten. It is impossible not to perceive, in the infatuation of Charles V. and his advisers, and the political manœuvres resulting from the ambitious views and private resentments of the Elector Maurice, that superintending Providence, which, though it permitted a sea of troubles to flow in upon the Protestant cause, and almost to inundate the territories of religious Reformation for a time, appointed the happy moment when the tide should ebb, and Germany be free. Amidst the desolations of war, Germany was destined also to suffer the ravages of the plague, in consequence of which the universities of Wittemberg and Leipsic were dispersed; but the former re-assembled under the auspices of Melancthon at Torgau, about twenty-two miles distant. He there engaged in delivering lectures on Justin Martyr, prepared a treatise "de unione personali," which does not appear to have been ever committed to the press, and published a refutation of Osiander, in the German language. He used to say that "he was not afraid of the plague which had driven them to Torgau, but he was really apprehensive on account of plagues of another kind, which infested the country and seemed to threaten its utter ruin." Osiander was another of those virulent adversaries of Melancthon, which the conferences and publications on the subject of the Interim had produced. He was pastor of the church at Nuremberg, but retired on that occasion to a divinity professorship at Konigsberg. His character and his opinions were marked by eccentricity. He zealously propagated sentiments respecting repentance and justification, which differed essentially from the Lutheran doctrines, and consisted in subile distinctions which it is needless to detail. Suffice it to remark, that Stancarus, professor of Hebrew at Konigsberg, undertook to refute his statements, but was hurried by his impetuosity into opposite extremes of doctrine. Osiander maintained that the man Christ, as a moral agent, was obliged to obey for himself the divine law, and therefore could not by the imputation of his obedience obtain righteousness or justification for others. Hence he inferred that the Saviour of the world was empowered by his nature as God, to make expiation for our sins, and reconcile us to the offended Deity. But Stancarus totally excluded Christ's divine nature from all concern in the satisfaction he made and in the redemption he procured, affirming that the office of Mediator between God and man belonged to Jesus in his human nature alone. Osiander was patronized by persons of considerable rank and influence, but his opinions did not long survive him. Melancthon in this extraordinary crisis willingly returned to Wittemberg, to resume his various duties both of a private and public nature. The city which had so welcomed his arrival, rendered him every honor upon his departure. "It would have been a very proper procedure," says he, writing to the Prince of Anhalt, "to have sent a general deputation from various churches to the council, as your Highness thought from the very first, but our advice on this subject, as your Highness knows, was afterwards disregarded. When therefore none of the princes or cities sent deputies, and no commands These discussions engaged the attention of the were given us except by the Elector of Saxony, I most eminent of the Lutheran divines, and moved felt, I confess, the strongest disinclination to the the powerful pen of Melancthon. In the year 1553, journey; and when we could not proceed any fur- he says in a letter to his friend Camerarius, "I have ther, I returned most willingly under the guidance written on the controversy of Stancarus in a manof Providence to Wittemberg, although I was very ner by far inferior and more concise than the magmuch persuaded to remain in the country. Aware, nitude of the subject requires, but I was not willing indeed, that there were many unwise and evil-mind-to irritate an angry and choleric man." To Mat thesius he writes, "About eight days ago the Elector of Brandenburg sent for Pomeranus and myself to examine into the controversy of Stancarus, who contends that Christ is Mediator only in his human nature. But immediately afterwards, information arrived that the Elector's son was dead and his father ill; and thus at present our journey and the exami-churches, and the preparation of a formulary, as nation are postponed. Nevertheless I have written my solemn declaration, that Jesus Christ is to be viewed as Mediator, as he is our High-Priest in his united natures, divine and human. St. Ambrose maintains the same sentiment. The principal arguments for this truth I purpose sending at a future time. I beg you to notice for me any evidences on this subject which you may discover in reading the ancient fathers." His reply to Stancarus exhibits a mind in search of truth, and maintaining that dignified and unruffled tranquillity which a consciousness of possessing it ought ever to inspire. He begins in a pious and conciliatory manner, deprecating all animosity in religious parties, and stating that as great contentions frequently originate in small beginnings, it was his anxious desire to remove rather than to enflame contention. He appeals most convincingly to every part of the New Testament, in proof of the impossibility of separating the two natures of Christ in the mediatorial transactions, because the Son of God in his entire nature became Mediator, Redeemer, Saviour, King and Priest of the church. He appeals also to the concurrent opinions of Chrysostom, Irenæus, Ambrose, Jerome, and the fathers generally, upon the same subjects. Melancthon was at this period occupied with the care of the churches and academical establishments in Misnia. To him as the most competent director in every concern of this description, applications were usually made; and the very counsellors of princes were the first to seek his valuable advice. His plans were in this, as in most other cases, adopted. His affectionate spirit was deeply grieved by the loss of several friends during the course of the year, and by trials in his family. "Domestic afflictions,' says he," are superadded to others. My servant John, remarkable for his fidelity and virtue, is called from the present life to the heavenly church; and now my wife is so extremely ill that nature seems overpowered by disease. But I pray the Son of God to grant us his presence and preserve us with his whole church, as I have often expressed it in the following verse : "Te maneat semper servante Ecclesia Christe O Saviour, may thy church unhurt remain, The king confessing that a God was there!A conference being appointed in the month of March, 1554, at Naumburg, in Thuringia, for the purpose of consolidating a union and renewing the ancient friendship that subsisted between the houses of Saxony, Brandenburg and Hesse; the different theologians, with Melancthon at the head of them, were summoned to attend. John Foster, a skilful Hebraist, accompanied him from Wittemberg ;Alexander Aless, to whom he was peculiarly attached on account of his excellent soirit, polemical knowledge, and accurate discernment, was deputed to join them from the university of Leipsic; Adam Craft, from Hesse, and John Sleidan, celebrated for his history of ecclesiastical affairs, from Strasburg. From this convention he writes to Camerarius, 'Like the ancient Argonauts who stuck fast upon a quicksand, so I seem to be fixed amongst the numerous perplexities of this troublesome affair. When we arrived at the Court we were directed to give our opinion upon three things, the inspection of the they call it, of instruction-the constitution of councils-and concerning the affairs of the academy in Misnia. Afterwards when no one had prepared a copy of such instructions as were required, I received orders to compose it, which though done upon the spur of the occasion, was read in the assembly the next day and approved. The pastor commented upon some things respecting your council; about the new academy I have given no advice. The pastor made some observations in a very free, ingenuous manner. The third day was consumed in contention with the dean of Friburg, who attacked in the severest terms, the good old pastor respecting the Adiaphoristic controversy. I have written a reply, which is incorporated in the letters of the prince to the Duke of Prussia, who is aiming to prevent the circulation of every book, that contains any thing upon the subject of the Baltic controversy." The purpose of this meeting was at length accomplished, in the renewal of that ancient treaty which subsisted between the two Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, and the Landgrave of Hesse; and the insertion of another article which the peculiar circumstances of the times suggested, by which the respective parties agreed to adhere to the Confession of Augsburg, and to maintain it in their dominions. Impartiality here demands a statement of the opinion of Melancthon upon those transactions at Geneva, respecting the unhappy SERVETUS, which have occasioned so many violent controversies. Were we to enter into a deliberate and dispassion. ate investigation of this affair, it would probably appear that an eagerness to criminate on the one hand, and to defend on the other, has hurried each party into extremes; the one, whose opinions have coincided with those of Servetus, have not been sufficiently disposed to make allowances for the peculiar circumstances in which the Reformers were placed, and for the strength of those conscientious, how ever erroneous-deplorably erroneous principles, which they blended with many valuable discoveries;-the other party cherishing opposite religious sentiments, have been too anxious to extenuate a crime committed against the rights of conscience, which no considerations can excuse; absurdly imagining that Calvin and truth were identical, and that to defend the reputation of the former, was essential to the vindication and glory of the latter. The case was this. Michael Servetus, a Spaniard, and a native of Villaneuva, in Arragon, embraced the reformed religion at an early period of his life, in consequence of searching the Scriptures; but departed from the general sentiments of the Reformers on the subject of the Trinity. His zeal was considerable, and going into Germany to propagate his opinions, he published a book in 1531, entitled "de Trinitatis Erroribus," which in the ensuing year was followed by two other treatises. These writings occasioning great dissatisfaction, he removed from place to place till he settled in Paris, where he devoted himself to the study of medicine, but at the same time became involved in disputes of a theological nature with the physicians, till at length chagrined at the suppression, by act of parliament, of a book he had published, he withdrew to Lyons, and was introduced to the Archbishop of Vienna, in whose house he long resided. During several years he corresponded with Calvin the Reformer of Geneva, but the contemptuous manner in which he treated his theological antagonist, produced at length an open rupture and a mortal antipathy. When Servetus was arrested and committed to prison at Vienna, for his publications, together with his printer, Calvin, at the desire however of the magistrates of that city, sent his letters and writings--but he was condemned for his published errors, and not as it appears in consequence of any interference of the Geneva reformer. Having escaped from prison, he fled to Geneva with the design of retiring to Naples. Here he was arrested; and, as it cannot with probability be denied, at the instigation of Calvin, who had long before intimated "if that heretic came to Geneva, he would take care that he should be capitally punished." the free-born soul, and coerce the faith of another, When tried for heresy the principal accusations against Servetus were, his having asserted that the land of Canaan was fertile, though it was unfruitful and barren-his having corrupted the Latin Bible which he was employed to correct at Lyons, by introducing trifling and impious notes of his own-release from imprisonment which the peace of Pasand having, in the person of Calvin, defamed the doctrine that is preached, uttering all imaginable, injurious, and blasphemous words against it. Before sentence was passed, the ministers of Basle, Zurich, Bern, and Schaffhausen were consulted, who unanimously determined that he ought to be condemned to death for blasphemy and heresy. The following verdict was accordingly pronounced "You, Michael Servetus, are condemned to be bound and led to Champel, and there fastened to a stake and burned alive, with your book, written with your hand and printed, until your body shall be reduced to ashes, and your days thus finished as an example to others who might commit the same things; and we command you, our lieutenant, to put this our Sentence into execution." Thus he perished, in great agonies, on the twenty-seventh of October, 1553. The reader must naturally feel curious to know the opinion of the amiable Melancthon on this odious transaction, and it is with the utmost pain we produce it, as expressed in a letter to Bullinger. "I have read your statement respecting the blasphemy of Servetus, and praise your piety and judgment; and am persuaded that the Council of Geneva has done right in putting to death this obstinate man, who would never have ceased his blasphemies. I am astonished that any one can be found to disapprove of this proceeding; but I have transmitted you a few papers which will sufficiently explain our sentiments." On more than one occasion he had refuted his statements by an appeal to scriptural evidence, and had he confined his hostility to the principle, and not by his concurrence have punished the man, we should have enjoyed the delightful opportunity of presenting to the reader a noble exception to the general spirit of the times. But at that period, Christians of every class and party believed that gross religious errors were punishable by the civil magistrate, a Popish doctrine which they had not yet renounced, and which, it is to be feared, is not even to this day, and in the most enlightened part of the world, totally exterminated from the breasts of all Protestants. Be it remembered, however, that by cherishing such a principle, in any degree, they betray the best of causes-furnish occasion for the most injurious representations of Christianity; and, instead of learning of their Master, who was "meek and lowly of heart," imitate the misguided disciples who were for calling down fire from heaven. Can any thing be more obvious than this, that it is the birthright of every human being to think for himself, that he is amenable alone to conscience and to God for his religious sentiments, and that whatever person or system attempts to legislate for The contentions excited by the zeal of Osiander and Flacius now raged in every direction, and with such excessive violence at Nuremberg in particular, that the whole city was in a state of commotion. A most urgent application therefore was made to the Elector Augustus, to permit Melancthon, whose advice had been often sought, to repair immediately with his principal associates, Aless, Camerarius, and Pomeranus to afford every requisite assistance on the spot. The most disgraceful scenes were transacted, but the presence and judgment of these eminent commissioners after some time restored tranquillity. Melancthon drew up a short but comprehensive statement of truth, in which he displayed the most exquisite skill, combined with the most Christian spirit. He maintained truth and refuted error without indulging in the least asperity of language against his adversaries. This affair, however, was not adjusted till the commencement of another year; but upon his return home he was infested with crowds of persons inoculated with the wildfire of Flacius, who absolutely persecuted him for several months and years. Unhappily several persons of distinction espoused his cause, and encouraged the ignorant hostility of the vulgar. They cherished a disputative pertinacity of spirit, made a man an offender for a word, perpetually stood in the attitude of defiance, filled all the shops with the most abusive publications, and denounced with unmerciful scurrility the amiable and insulted Melancthon. Flacius himself was the prime mover of these proceedings, and exerted a never-ceasing activity in the circulation of calumnious misrepre sentations. In a letter to Matthesius, Melancthon very justly characterizes him as "a viper whose venom every wise man would avoid;" but the calumniator himself he addressed in the mildest terms. " Homer, in describing the contest between Ajax and Hector, represents the former as being satisfied when the latter yields and confesses that he is vanquished; but there is no end to your criminations. Who ever acts in this manner? Who strikes a foe when he gives up the contest and throws away his weapons? Claim the victory, Iyield, I contend no longer about these rites; I am chiefly solicitous that the churches live in concord and peace. I confess, indeed, that I have committed sin in this affair, and implore forgiveness of God that I did not wholly fly from these subtle disputations: but I feel myself obliged to refute the misstatements of yourself and Gallus." On another occasion he expresses himself in the following manner: "I am not in despair on account of the cruel clamor of my enemies, who threaten not to leave me a foot of ground to stand upon in Germany; but I commit myself to the Son of God. If I am driven away alone, I have determined to go into Palestine, and in those lurking places where Jerome retired, by maintaining intercourse with the Son of God, to write clear statements of divine truth, and in death to recommend my soul to God." Again he says, I am eagerly and with tranquillity of mind expecting to be banished, as I have told the princes. My adversaries declare they are resolved to accomplish their purpose, and that I shall not have a footing in Germany. I sincerely wish they would do it quickly, as the Son of God said to Judas. If I die, there will be a footing for me in heaven; or if I continue in the body, I shall still be associated with pious and learned men either in Germany or elsewhere. I am astonished at the folly of my enemies, who imagine they possess a ruling influence in Germany, and can terrify me with their threats." merous absurdities originating from that monstrous sentiment: they turn the Lord's Supper into a gainful traffic, and, contrary to the design of this institution, carry about the bread in public procession to be adored. Disparaging the true doctrine of repentance, they invent a multiplicity of foolish rites, to the absolute torment of pious persons, taking away the consolation to be derived from a knowledge of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and zealously contending for numerous observances of their own invention. The people then will not surely suppose our determined opposition to these practices unnecessary. Let the principal points of doctrine be frequently inculcated, with these solemn admonitions: 'Keep yourselves from idols.''Though we or an angel from heaven preach any other gospel unto you, than that which we have preached unto you, let him be accursed.'-' Whosoever blasphemeth against the Holy Ghost, it shall not be forgiven him.'" This letter is dated February, 1555. The death of Justus Jonas proved an additional source of affliction at this period. He had been particularly intimate both with Luther and Melancthon, and had co-operated with the latter in several important public transactions. Jonas was a native of Northausen in Thuringia. He was profoundly skilled both in law and theology. For some years he held a pastoral charge at Wittemberg, and was a professor and rector of the university. Afterwards removing to Halle, he became extensively useful in promoting the Reformation. For a considerable time after the death of Luther he continued in the Duke of Saxony's court, and was a sympathizing companion to the sons of John Frederic in their afflictions. At last he was placed over the church in Eisfield, where he expired in peace, on the ninth of October, 1555, at the age of sixty-two. Maximilian, king of Bohemia, levied a new tax upon the celebrity of Melancthon, by proposing to him a number of questions respecting the principal subjects that occasioned the controversies of the age; to all of which he felt himself obliged to return a circumstantial reply. This was in the year 1556, and the whole memorial was published at Leipsic, by Nicholas Selneccer, about ten years after the author's decease. It is impossible for those who are not similarly situated fully to realize the perplexity and toil which Melancthon and his coadjutors sustained at this period. As the head of all the principal literary and ecclesiastical transactions of the age, consulted by princes, despatched upon every urgent occasion on different journeys, summoned to private conferences and public councils, necessitated to maintain an extensive correspondence, opposed, and even insulted by a violent faction, and watched as a heretic by the partizans of the Roman hierarchy, it is not surprising that he should represent himself as tormented upon the rack of incessant engagement, and absolutely distracted with writing disputations, rules and regulations, prefaces and letters. On Melancthon in a great measure devolved "the care of all the churches;" but will any one credit the representations of his open enemies, or more injurious friends, who have carelessly propagated the notion of his abandoning the truth, after perusing the following pious and affectionate portion of a letter addressed to the pastors of the churches in the provinces of Bohemia and Lusatia ?—or, indeed, will it be believed that if he had been guilty of tergiversation they would have continued to seek his advice, to value his sympathies, to confide in his wisdom, and to allow him to maintain the eminence to which public esteem and personal merit had exalted him? "Whether," he observes, "divine wisdom has appointed still greater troubles than ever existed before in this feeble and superannuated age of the world, may be doubtful; but amidst the desolation of empires, the Son of God will continue to gather an eternal church, solely by the preaching of his gospel, till the period when he will recall the dead to life. These predictions are given to encourage us to endure the sufferings allotted us, and to persevere in the labor of extending the truth in the world, which will not be in vain. It is with much grief we have heard that pure doctrine is so despised, that the pastors have been driven from their churches, and that at this moment many pious and upright men, with their wives and dear little children, are in a state of exile. We sympathize most deeply with them, with you, and with your bereaved churches, and implore the Son of God, Last conference of Melancthon with the Papists at Worms-Visit to CHAPTER XIII. who has said, 'I will not leave you comfortless,' to alleviate these sufferings, and to afford you all necessary assistance. You so well know the true sources of religious consolation, that we will not enlarge, but only admonish you, under present circumstances, to set your churches an example of steadfastness in tribulation, lest they should be tempted to unbelief. Nothing will be more efficacious for this purpose than a thorough knowledge of the truth, and an opposition to mere human opinions. The Papists support the most flagrant idolatry, the invocation of departed saints, and nu Heidelberg-Receives intelligence of his wife's death-Her epitaph-The Chronicon and other writings-Loss of friends-MeJancthon's infirmities-Interesting paper assigning reasons why it is desirable to leave the world-A variety of particulars respecting his last illness and death- Epitaph by Theodore Beza-Ode-Conclusion. 1557 to 1560, THE time was now approaching when this distinguished combatant was to pass from the field of holy and honorable warfare in which he had so long "fought the good fight," to share the honors of an eternal triumph. In the year 1557, he met his Popish adversaries for the last time in a conference at Worms. The chief subject of dispute was a most |