It is death alone that can suddenly make man to know himself. He tells the proud and insolent that they are but abject, and humbles them at the instant; makes them cry, complain, and repent, yea, even to hate their forepassed happiness. He takes the account of the rich, and proves him a beggar, a naked beggar which hath interest in nothing but in the gravel that fills his mouth. He holds a glass before the eyes of the most beautiful, and makes them see therein their deformity and rottenness, and they acknowledge it. O eloquent, just and mighty death! whom none could advise, thou hast persuaded; what none have dared, thou hast done; and whom all the world has flattered thou only hast cast out of the world and despised. Thou hast drawn together all the far-stretched greatness, all the pride, cruelty and ambition of man, and covered it all over with these two narrow words, hic jacet. Raleigh.

Not long since a celebrated society discussed the well-known and frivolous question, who was a greater man than Cæsar, Alexander, Tamerlane, or Cromwell. Some one replied, Isaac Newton, beyond a doubt. This man was right. If true greatness consists in having received from heaven a powerful genius, and employing it to enlighten himself and others, a man like Newton, such a man as scarce appears in ten centuries, is the truly great man, and those statesmen and conquerors, which are to be found in every age, are nothing commonly but illustrious villains. It is to him who governs our opinions by the force of truth, not to those who rule over slaves by violence, it is to him whose knowledge is coextensive with the universe, not to him who deforms it, that we owe the debt of gratitude.

In speaking of the great men who have adorned England, I will begin with the celebrated Lord Verulam, known in Europe by the name of Bacon, who was the son of a Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, and was for a long time Chancellor under James I. Yet amidst the intrigues of the court and the occupations of his office, of themselves full employment for a common man, he found time to be a great philosopher, a good historian, and an elegant writer: and what is still more wonderful is, that he lived in an age when even the art of good writing was unknown, much less the true philosophy. He has been, as is usual among mankind, less esteemed while living than after his death. His enemies were at the court of London, his admirers were dispersed through the world. When the Marquis D'Effia took into England the princess Mary, daughter of Henry IV. who was to espouse King Charles, he paid a visit to Bacon, who being sick a-bed received him with his windows closed. "You resemble the angels," said D'Effia. "The world is continually talking of them, and believes them to be far superior to mankind; and yet we have never the consolation to see them."

Voltaire.

For the Port Folio.

WAGER OF BATTLE IN NEW ENGLAND.

THE Conflicting claims of two towns in Connecticut,-Lyme and New London,-to certain lands, once gave rise to a mode of adjusting the title, of which we apprehend no trace can be found in the common law or the codes of the civilians. The land, says Dr. Dwight, though now of considerable value, was then regarded as a trifling object. The expense of appointing agents to manage the cause before the legislature, was considerable, and the hazard of the journey was not small. In this situation, the inhabitants of both townships agreed to settle their respective titles to the lands in controversy, by a combat between two champions, to be chosen by each for that purpose. New London selected two men, of the names of Picket and Latimer: Lyme committed its cause to two others, named Griswold and Ely. On a day, mutually appointed, the champions appeared in the field, and fought with their fists, till victory declared in favour of each of the Lyme combatants. Lyme then quietly took possession of the controverted tract, and has held it undisputed to the present day.

An incident somewhat similar to this, is said to have taken place between two individuals, in this state; but our information is not sufficiently accurate to enable us to relate the particulars; even if the personal nature of the controversy did not, for the present at least, forbid the disclosure.

For the Port Folio.

INGENUITY OF THE SPIDER.

THE following anecdote concerning this curious insect is introduced, by Mr. Knight, in his Treatise on the Culture of the Apple and Pear:-I have frequently placed a spider on a small upright stick, whose base was surrounded by water, to observe its most singular mode of escape. After having discovered that the ordinary means of retreat were cut off, it ascends the point of the stick, and standing nearly on its head, ejects its web, which the wind readily carries to some contiguous object. Along this the sagacious insect effects his escape, not, however, till it has previ ously ascertained, by several exertions of its whole strength, that its web is properly attached to the opposite end. I do not know that this instance of sagacity has been noticed by any entomological writer, and I insert it here, in consequence of having seen in some periodical publication, a very erroneous account of the Spider's threads which are observed to pass from one tree or bush to another in dewey mornings.

For the Port Folio.*

HISTORY OF MODERN EUROPE.

GREAT BRITAIN, 1820.-Death of the King.-Plot of Thistlewood and others to assassinate the Ministers.-Disturbances in Yorkshire.-Rising at Glasgow.-Meeting and dissolution of the Parliament.-The new Parliament.-Mr. Brougham on the Education of the Poor.-The trial of the Queen. Withdrawal of the Bill against her.

THE death of George III, which occurred early in this year, was immediately followed by the accession of his son, which took place with all the usual formalities. The emotions, occasioned by these events, had scarcely subsided, when others, of a very different character, forced themselves on public attention. The discontent, which had so long been deeply fermenting, exploded with such violence, as to diffuse for some time a very serious alarm. The general distress of the labouring classes presented, as usual, a state of things highly favourable to the designs of the disaffected; while the disappointed and the sufferers in former abortive attempts, becoming always more fierce and embittered, threw aside at last that remnant of moderation to which they considered their former failures as imputable, and determined to proceed at once to the most violent extremities.

To

Thistlewood, who, by legal distinctions, rather than by any proof of innocence, had escaped the effects of a former tumult, emboldened by impunity, and at the same time rendered desperate by the state of his private affairs, formed a scheme the most daring which had been witnessed by England since the era of the Gunpowder Plot. From amidst the obscure recesses of the metropolis he collected a small band of individuals, not of the very lowest rank, but whose ruined circumstances caused them to "regard the world as not their friend, nor the world's law," and rendered them fit instruments for such a deed of darkness. them he proposed to seize the occasion of a cabinet dinner-to which none but the members of that confidential body are admitted, and assassinate all whom they might find thus assembled. A loft was procured in Cato Street, where the conspirators, amounting to twenty-five, were convened, and the instruments of death deposited. The 13th of February was appointed for the fatal onset. From the first, they were betrayed by Edwards, one of their own number; whom they afterwards denounced as having acted the part not only of a spy, but of an instigator. This change, however probable, as to the first part, was never investigated. Information, however, had been given to Lord Harrowby, by another, (Hyden,) who had for a moment been seduced, but whose better sentiments prevailed. Accordingly, at the moment when the con

* Abridged, chiefly, from the Edinburgh Annual Register.

spirators were about to issue forth to fulfil their fatal purpose, they were surprised by the police officers. The lights were hastily extinguished, and a desperate conflict ensued. Thistlewood thrust his sword into the body of one of the officers, who instantly expired. He escaped; but nine of his comrades were secured, and he, together with another, was arrested on the ensuing day. They were afterwards tried and found guilty of high treason. Thistlewood, Ings, Brunt, Davidson, and Tidd were executed; the rest had their sentence mitigated to transportation, with the exception of Gilchrist, who received a pardon.

What connection, or whether any, this daring attempt had with the discontents fermenting in the counties, does not seem very well ascertained. Certain it is, that at this time, the malcontents entered very extensively into the determination to throw off all appearances, and to raise the standard of open insurrection. The centre of disturbance, as to England, lay among the woolen manufacturers about Leeds, Wakefield, and Huddersfield. From the 31st of March to the 3rd April the inhabitants were disturbed by small armed detachments traversing the country, and even approaching the towns, though they did not venture to face the military. At Grangemoor, a number, amounting to between two and three hundred, actually assembled, with arms and standards. This force, however, was so much smaller than they had been taught to expect, as plainly to prove the delusion practised upon them. Long before the appearance of the military they threw down their weapons and fled in every direction. Twenty-two persons were arrested, and tried for high treason. They plead guilty, and mild punishments were inflicted upon them, according to the degrees of their guilt.

It was in Scotland that rebellion stalked with the most open front. A general rising had been determined on; but the measures adopted by the government, were so active and judicious, that but for a partial and accidental sally, not a drop of blood would have been shed. The authors of the commotion, sensible how ridiculously inadequate were the means with which they had hoped to effect the overthrow of a great empire, threw up the cause in despair; while the misled multitude saw the full depth of the abyss from whose brink they had barely time to shrink. This violent explosion was followed, almost instantaneously, by an universal tranquillity; the citizens resumed their pacific and industrious occupations, and earnestly sought readmission to those employ ments which they had so wantonly deserted; the yeomanry returned to their homes; and nothing remained, but to proceed according to the regular course of law, against those who had rendered themselves obnoxious to it during these violent proceedings. The first meeting of Parliament this year was one of mere form. The constitution holds it indispensable that the great council of the nation shall meet on the day immediately following the death

of the sovereign, even though that day should chance, as it now did, to be a Sunday. Short meetings were accordingly held on that and the two following days, when such members as attended took the oaths to the new sovereign. It was then prorogued till the 17th Feb. and on the 28th it was dissolved.

The new Parliament assembled in April, when it appeared that the opposition had gained some addition of strength. The address to the throne was voted unanimously, being very properly confined to expressions of condolence and civility. After settling the civil list, discussing the budget, and appointing committees to inquire into the agricultural and commercial interests, the house took up Mr. Brougham's plan for the national education of the poor. This gentleman stated that there were now educated at unendowed schools 490,000 children, and to these were to be added about 11,000, for 150 parishes, from which no returns had been made to the committee appointed to investigate the subject. In the endowed schools 165,432 children were educated; making a total, (exclusive of the 11,000,) of 655,432. In England it appeared, he said, that on the average, 1-14th or 1-15th of the whole population was educated. After giving a variety of curious particulars from the returns, he proceeded to submit a view of the provisions of the bill which he was to lay before the house. The determination when a school was necessary in any ecclesiastical district, was to be made by the quarter sessions, on complaint made by the grand jury, by the clergy of the district, or by five resident housekeepers. The salary of the master should in no case be less than 20l. per annum, nor more than 30l. It might be objected, that this was a great deal too little; but he did not wish for sinecurists, or to take from them the desire of obtaining day scholars. The qualification of the master should be a certificate from the clergyman and three householders of the parish in which he resided. He must be above 24, and under 40; boys of 15, and men of 70, had ruined more schools than any other cause. It appeared to Mr. Broughamn, that the system of public education should be closely connected with the Church of England. When he came to consider the inestimable advantages of a system that would secure the services of such a body of men as the established clergy-when he looked to the infinite benefit that would arise from having the constant, the daily superintendance of such a character as a well-educated and pious English clergyman-when he became sensible how much the durability of the system would be increased by giving it that solidity, that deep root, that wide basis, which no new system could possess or acquire without being grafted on an old stock, he felt the full force of the argument. A religious education was most essential to the welfare of every individual. To the rich it was all but every thing,-to the poor, it might be said, without a figure, to be every thing. It was to them that the Christian religion was preached-it was their special patrimony; and if the legislature JUNE, 1824.-No. 266

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