wretched state of the finances, indicated the mode of improving the system, and the difficulties opposed to a reformation. He specified the abuses and one of the principal, the taxes imposed as merely provisional, and which were never suppressed in Spain. Hence the necessity of consulting the opinions and the abilities of the people, before they should be subjected to a new plan of taxation. He explained the causes which were opposed to the establishment of direct contributions, and mentioned the indisposition of the clergy, the nobility, and persons in office, to contribute their proportions, as one of the principal impediments. He demonstrated the necessity of a reform, and to give publicity to every thing connected with the finances. The minister concluded his report by pointing out the inaccuracy and the inutility of custom-house codes; the injurious and mischievous tendency of the prohibitory laws: he proposed the union of the department of the Posts to that of the Finances, and reprobated the absurdity of the penal laws with regard to the system of finance.

The most important of the measures of the Cortes, were those which related to permanent reforms in the political system of Spain. The greatest check to agricultural improvement arose from the enormous extent of the system of maiorals or entails, which had been prompted by the ancient over-weening pride of the Spanish grandees. This system, which began only in the thirteenth century, now extended over by far the greatest part of the lands in the kingdom. The accumulation of property was accordingly immense; nearly the whole province of Andalusia was the property of three of the great nobles. This system was at once unfavourable to all improvement in cultivation, and prevented the growth of any independent and respectable body of small proprietors. The Committee to whom this subject was referred, proposed to render all lands in the kingdom so far free, that their possessors might dispone the whole to their own children; but to strangers they could dispone only one half. No new entail could be founded but by the express permission of the Cortes, which was to grant it only for weighty reasons, such as important services rendered to the country. No new entail was to exceed, for the Spanish grandees, 80,000 ducats of annual rent; for titled persons 40,000; for private individuals 20,000. No entail could be made for less than 6000 ducats.

This law, after a long and animated discussion, passed on the 12th October. Some displeasure was felt by those nobles who had the greatness of their order deeply at heart; but as it caused no personal inconvenience to any, and afforded to many of the greatest proprietors the means of freeing themselves from large debts in which they were involved, it never gave rise to any serious dissatisfaction or complaint.

The case was different with regard to the measure which came next under discussion. The enormous accumulation of property in the hands of the religious orders, was another evil under which Spain had long groaned. In 1769, there were found to be in that country 2051 convents, and 61,327 monks and nuns, nor was there any reason to suppose that the number had diminished since that time. The wealth of these orders

presented also a tempting prospect of relieving those financial embarrassments under which the nation so deeply laboured. Under the impulse of these views, a proposition was brought forward for the entire suppression of the religious orders, and for declaring the property national. This measure was supported not only by the Count de Toreno, and other lay deputies, but even by Castillo, the auxiliary bishop, who declared, that however painful the proposition was to his feelings, he conceived himself bound to support it, as eminently conducive to the public good. In proof of the legality of the measure, orders were quoted, made at different eras, either to prevent new foundations, or to reform those that already subsisted. Many states, it was observed, had recognized the principle of the sale of ecclesiastical property, and even the kings of Spain, Charles III. and Charles IV. had recourse to it, at a time when the national debt was much less than now. On the other hand, it was urged, that the right of property in corporations was as sound as in individuals; that the regular clergy formed an essential part of the Catholic religion; and to destroy the one was to attack the other. The individual distress which would thus be caused, was also much insisted upon. Remonstrances against this measure were addressed to the Cortes by the generals of the Capuchins, and of the Franciscan orders; the one distinguished by its moderation, and the other by its fulminating zeal. Notwithstanding all opposition, the law was adopted on the 1st October. All the orders were suppressed, and only eight convents were preserved to maintain the divine worship in some ancient and celebrated sanctuaries. The monks secularized were to receive from 100 to 400 ducats, according to their age and situation. There was a prohibition to found any convent,-to admit any profession-and upon monks to take any vow.

This innovation in itself, and in the abstract, was satisfactory and necessary for Spain; yet as respects the manner and degree in which it was carried into execution, it can scarcely be denied to be premature and precipitate. Monastic establishments had been, as it were, interwoven into the whole frame of Spanish society. A great part of the population, and not the worst part, still looked up to this body as their oracles. Before violently subverting an institution rendered venerable by so many ages' duration, time should have been allowed to sap it by the gradual diffusion of knowledge and liberal ideas, through the influence of the new institutions. As it stood, this numerous body, holding such sway over the public mind, were turned loose with hearts rankling with the deepest bitterness against the government from which they had experienced such treatment. All the glories of the order were now annihilated; its members reduced to a state of comparative beggary; and the numerous mendicants who were accustomed to receive supplies at the convent gates, were thrown into a state of absolute destitution. These suffering classes have ever since maintained a perpetual fomes of insurrection, which has deprived the constitutional government of stability and tranquillity, and has only been suppressed by exertions, to which their resources and means were very inadequate.

If we censure this proceeding of the Cortes as rash and ill-timed, there are others which we must stigmatize as essentially and radically evil. In a system which professed to be entirely founded upon liberal principles, it might have been expected that free trade would have formed an essential element. The country of Ustariz, of Campomanes, and of Jovellanos, seemed ripe for an enlightened system in this branch of economy. Those great men were however no more, and their mantle had not fallen on any of the present generation. On the contrary, every nerve was strained by the Cortes, to carry to a greater height that system of monopoly, by the action of which Spain had been undone. Resolutions were adopted by that assembly, and exhortations addressed to the Royal Family, to wear nothing but of Spanish manufacture. In the commercial regulations, the leading principle, was made to be, that nothing which Spain could produce within itself, should be allowed to be imported. Particular care was taken to keep down the intercourse with France, the country of all others from which Spain might have derived the greatest benefit. This system was every way ruinous. It crushed the germs of that prosperity which would have been the natural consequence of freedom and security of property; while the distress generated by it threw a general discredit upon the constitutional system to which it was imputed. In consequence of it also, the financial embarrassment instead of being remedied, grew more and more severe. The contraband trade, which had always been one of the greatest scourges of Spain, was trebled; and with it those habits of tumultuous and irregular assemblage, which passed by an easy transition into insurrection. Thus, this voluntary sacrifice of her trade, not only impoverished Spain, but proved one of the strongest bars to the preservation of that tranquillity which she ought to have sacrificed almost every thing to maintain.

The establishments for education were carried by the Cortes to a laudable, almost excessive extent. There were to be three gradations of schools throughout the kingdom; the first for elementary instruction, of which there was to be one for every five hundred families, and where the catechism of the constitution was to be carefully taught. The second degree was for those destined for public employments; in these were taught the ancient and modern languages, history, and political economy. The third degree was for certain special and profound studies. The law on the liberty of the press allowed the publication of all works except those upon religion, which the bigotry of the nation still subjected to a previous censorship. There lay, however, an appeal even on these to a supreme junta established for the protection of the liberty of the press.

These deliberations were chequered by events belonging rather to the executive than legislative department. The army of the Isle of Leon, proud of the share they had taken in achieving national liberty, considerered themselves still as its guardians. Since the nomination of Quiroga as a deputy, Riego had taken the command; and his enthusiastic disposition having led him to embrace the highest principles of liberalism, he was looked upon by the clubs of Madrid as their sure and powerful

supporter. There appeared a very evident danger, that this army might assume a prætorian character, and might become dangerous both to prince and people. The Minister at War, therefore, formed the bold resolution of dissolving it; and as this step was taken with the approbation of Quiroga, while Riego was soothed by the appointment of GovernorGeneral of Galicia, it was hoped that the arrangement might be tranquilly effected. Riego, however, saw in it the downfall of his influence, and, as he imagined, new dangers to liberty. He hastened to Madrid, and presented to the king a petition from the army against its dissolution, intimating, at the same time, his own refusal of the government of Galicia. He was received with the most rapturous applause by the clubs and the multitude, and continued for eight days the hero of Madrid. Intoxicated with this homage, he gave way to an irregularity which alarmed all moderate men. Being one evening at the theatre, his aides-de-camp began to sing a violent democratic song, called from its chorus, Traga la, perro, "Swallow it, you dog," composed at Cadiz, in hatred of the nobles. The political chief having endeavoured to put a stop to this exhibition, Riego interposed in its favour, and a violent tumult arose, which was continued during a great part of the night. The government, determining hereupon to take the most rigorous measures, withdrew from Riego the offer of the command in Galicia, and sent him into an honourable exile at Oviedo. Riego now addressed a long memorial to the Cortes, in which he represented the services rendered by the army of the Isla to the cause of liberty, and urged that its support was still necessary, against the numerous enemies of the constitutional system. But his representations had no influence on the Cortes, which adhered to the resolution of the ministers; and Riego had no alternative but to depart for Oviedo. His associates, San Miguel and Velasco, were at the same time sent to Zamora and Valladolid. The dissolution of the army was then effected; but the Cortes agreed, that liberal allowances, both in land and money should be given to the disbanded troops, in proportion to their length of service. Although these measures were effected by government, yet the clamour of the clubs against the Minister at War was so violent, that he was induced to give in his resignation.

These tumults induced the ministry to bring in a proposition to the Cortes for repressing the license of the clubs; and notwithstanding the strenuous opposition of the liberals, it was carried on the 14th October, by a majority of 100 to 45. The meetings of these societies were only to be held upon notice given, and permission received, from the local authorities, and under their superintendance. The individuals thus assembled were in no case permitted to form corporations, or to speak in the name of the people; nor were they to hold correspondence with any similar body.

Towards the close of the session, which, in consequence of important business under consideration, was continued a month beyond the prescribed period, a general agitation was felt throughout Spain. The execution of the law relative to convents was in some places tumultuously seconded, in others violently opposed. Assemblages hostile to the con

stitutional system, assuming the form of guerillas, rose in different parts of the kingdom, and when put down in one place re-appeared in another. Alarm was also felt at Madrid, when the King, immediately after a reluctant sanction given to the law for the suppression of monastic orders set out for his palace of the Escurial. Here he was surrounded by the Duke de l'Infantado, his confessor, and other persons supposed to be eminently hostile to the new system. In appointing General Vigodet Captain-General of New Castile, he issued a commission entirely in his own handwriting, without the signature of the minister, as required by the constitution; and on the omission being pointed out by the permanent deputation of the Cortes, showed little disposition to correct it. Meantime tumults ran high at Madrid; the municipality of that city sent addresses more and more energetic, urging the King's return to the capital. At length the danger appearing serious, he deemed it expedient to yield. On the 21st November he entered Madrid, guarded by two lines of soldiers, and, amid the report of some hundred pieces of artiltery. A vast multitude raised cries of "the Constitution! the constitutional King!" but without any disturbance. The liberals now completely regained the ascendancy. The duke de l'Infantado, with his adherents were sent into retirement; while Riego was named Captaingeneral of Arragon, Velasco of Estramadura, and Espinosa of Old Castile. Thus closed for Spain the memorable year of 1820.

TRIAL OF THURTELL.

FROM THE LONDON MAGAZINE.

As I stand here,-I SAW THEM.-Macbeth.

Hertford.-Jan. 1824.

DEAR SIR. By this time I fear you will have become heartily wearied of the names of Thurtell, Probert, and Hunt, upon which the London newspapers have rung the changes so abominably; I fear this, because, having consented to give you a narrative of the trial of these wretched and hardened men, with the eye of a witness, and not the hand of a reporter; and having in consequence of such consent borne up an unfed body with an untired spirit for two days, against iron rails and fat men, I tremble lest all my treasured observations should be thrown away, and my long fatigue prove profitless to my friend. On consideration, however, I have withstood my fears, and have determined not to abandon my narrative; in the first place, because the newspapers have given so dry a detail of the evidence as to convey no picture of the interesting scene,and secondly, because in a periodical work like the London Magazine, which ought to record remarkable events as they pass by, a clear account, not made tedious, as far as possibly can be avoided, by repetitions and