culture was committed to cerfs and villains, who composed a part of the estates of their lordly owners. In later days, however, the scene has very happily changed, and science has been allied to an art all important to the comfort, and, indeed, to the existence of the human race. We, like others, are apt to be dazzled by brilliant feats of arms, and the splendour of conquests; but we must confess, that the sheaf of Ceres, is of more value than the barren laurel; and we cannot help thinking that Sir John Sinclair, Arthur Young, and Sir Humphrey Davy, have done more for the prosperity of Great Britain than any of her heroes.

It must be granted, that the march of knowledge is slow. How singular is it, that even in Great Britain, Agriculture was entirely neglected, as a national concern, till within a few years. The appointment of the Board of Agriculture, the surveys of the various counties in England and Scotland, which fill nearly eighty volumes, and the numerous periodical and other publications devoted to the improvement of rural economy, show the interest now taken in the advancement of that art, on which all others must depend.

In the United States, where some degree of education is so common, that it is rare to find one among the rudest of her native citizens, who cannot read and write, and where they who cultivate it are so generally the owners of the soil, we have reason to expect a rapid dissemination of all the new facts, and the various information which shall tend to illustrate the theory or improve the art of the Agriculturist. What great benefit to the community might not be effected by the editors of the hundreds of country newspapers, which are printed in the United States, were they to devote one page of each paper to agricultural topics, instead of the turbid politics of which they are so prodigal?

New York is the only state that has appointed a Board of Agriculture, for the purpose of giving system and method to her County Agricultural Societies. We are frequently compelled to shrink with mortification from the contemplation of some of the features of our state politics: but we delight to give honour where honour is due; and New York, in this particular, deserves much praise. Her attention to internal improvement and agriculture, should redeem many faults and follies.

In many of the states, County Agricultural Societies have been got up, usefully, we hope, for the parties concerned, and advantageously for their neighbourhood. Pennsylvania has given some encouragement to County Societies, by an act to appropriate a part of the public funds of the counties in which they are formed, on certain conditions, to contribute to their premiums; and much advantage has resulted from the combination of artists and amateurs-of men of science and practical farmers in these institutions.

We have spoken of the newspapers, and the advantage which their editors might render to the community by devoting some space to agricultural topics. We believe there are but two papers published in the United States entirely devoted to this subject. These are the American Farmer published at Baltimore by John S. Skinner, and the New England Farmer, at Boston, by Thomas G. Fessenden. The latter gen

tleman is advantageously known to the public by his poetical talents, and was an intimate friend and early associate of the first Editor of the Port Folio. Both these papers are ably conducted, and every farmer in the Union would be benefited by the perusal of them. The slightest improvement in his field, his orchard, or his garden, would amply repay the price of these journals. If we were to draw a distinction between these papers, both of which we think extremely well adapted to the sections in which they are published, we should say that the southern paper is the more theoretical, the northern the more practical; and, as might be judged from its position, on the whole, the best adapted to the agriculture of the northern and middle states. In addition to this, it has one advantage, which probably a saving farmer would attend to;-although published as frequently, and each number containing about the same quantity of type and paper, it is but half the price of its southern competitor.

FOR THE PORT FOLIO.

THE CONVENTION OF 1787.

SUCH is the capriciousness of fame, as well as of fortune, in human affairs, that some ostensible occurrence shall so engross the attention of historians and biographers, as well as of painters and poets, that the most important political events are often cast into the shade by a more prominent object, which, when it has once obtained possession of the public mind, will thenceforward absorb popular attention, to the exclusion of every other.

The names and characters of those devoted republicans who signed the Declaration of Independence, have been perpetuated in every form of illustration by the press and the graver, as well as the pencil and the pen: whilst the patriots who framed the present Constitution of the United States, at the head of whom was Washington himself, (then, perhaps, most justly entitled to the endearing appellation of the Father of his Country,) are unknown or at least unthought of-their names must now be sought for in the musty pages of some ponderous law book, where they have long reposed in unmerited oblivion.

The claims of these great and good men to the grateful remembrance of posterity are founded, nevertheless, upon the substantial basis of the national prosperity, under that happy Constitution by which the defects of the original Confederation were effectually remedied, and the thirteen independent states were indissolubly consolidated into one powerful sovereignty.

These conscript fathers held their session in the same Council Cham. ber, in the State House of Philadelphia, in which sat the Congress that declared the dissolution of British supremacy and colonial dependence; and, like them too, they held their deliberations with closed doors.

Notwithstanding this forbidding circumstance, however, one of our

neglected sons of genius who reduced by want of patronage to portrait and sign painting for a livelihood, obtained a glimpse of this truly venerable assembly, which he instantly transferred to a sign post that he had been employed to decorate for an ale-house in South Street; where it hung for many years unnoticed; and was at length, after the colours had faded from the boards, painted over again with the name only of THE CONVENTION, in broad capitals. But the original representation, which was not without professional merit, is still vivid in the recollection of the writer of this article, who had long habitually regarded it with respectful consideration as an historical relick.

The room itself was correctly represented, as it stood at the time, richly wainscotted, with pediments over the doors, and Ionic pilasters, supporting a full entablature of the order, beneath a coved ceiling; though all these appropriate accompaniments of a public apartment have been since taken down by some ruthless Commissioner of repairs-to be replaced with naked walls and meagre door-cases that now disappoint the expectations of those who visit this memorable Council Chamber, which has been not inaptly denominated the cradle of American Independence; and which ought to have been scrupulously preserved in its pristine state to future ages.

On one side of this highly interesting historical composition, the President, GEORGE WASHINGTON, was seen in the chair, under the lofty central pannel at the east end of the room, which was then ornamented with the arms of Pennsylvania. On his right, Judge Wilson occupied the floor with that imposing air which was natural to him and which had strongly impressed the delineator, whilst, on his left, and immediately under the eye of the spectator sat the aged FRANKLIN, in his armchair; which must have been placed so near the bar, that the venerable sage, then in his 83d year, and suffering under a peculiar infirmity, might approach his seat in the sedan he had brought from Europe, which was the only mode of conveyance he could then support.-On the other side of this contemporaneous memento, the House was depicted in Committee, and no particular feature of the scene is now distinctly recollected. But on both sides was inscribed the following quaint prognostication of their patriotic exertions which has since been so happily fulfilled:

"These thirty-eight great men together have agreed
"That better times to us shall very soon succeed."

HISTORY OF MODERN EUROPE.

(Continued from Vol. xvi. p. 383.)

SPAIN in 1820.-National Discontent-State of the Army at Cadiz-Is Revoll-Occupies the Isle of Leon-Expedition of Riego

Rising in Gallicia-Defection of Abisbal-King forced to accept the Constitution-Massacre at Cadiz-Anti-Revolutionary Movements-Meeting of the Cortes-Reports of the Ministers-Finances -Suppression of Entails-Of Covenants-Commercial MeasuresDissolution of the Army of Cadiz-Disgrace of Riego-Agitated State of the Kingdom-Prevalence of the Liberal Party.

FOR several years the discontent throughout Spain had been general and hourly increasing. Its degradation was deeply felt by the nation, and sympathized with by the surrounding nations. It appeared the most cruel indignity to a brave nation, which had made so noble a stand, and had so powerfully aided in restoring independence to the rest of Europe, to be reduced to a thraldom more severe than that which it had so heroically shaken off. Loud, however, as was the call for that constitution which Ferdinand stood vainly pledged to bestow, all the attempts hitherto made to attain it had proved miserably abortive. There is a tendency in human society, and one on the whole safe and salutary, to remain fixed in any position which it has once assumed. To a great body of the people it appears more expedient to bear the ills they have, if at all tolerable, than to rush on others which are unknown and untried. It is difficult, and in fact should be so, for secret and individual operations to combine a force, which can make head against the executive power of the state. Although, however, such a government may make head for a certain time against the strongest public opinion, it possesses a radical unsoundness, which will sooner or later manifest itself. The crazy vessel may be guided in safety over a tranquil sea; but whenever the storm rises, it goes rapidly to pieces. Such a constitution resembles a rational body, of which the pieces are corrupted, in which no disease yet manifests itself, but to which the first wound or local injury, the effects of which to another would have been but temporary, proves mortal. It is seldom that in the political world a very long period occurs without some shock or collision, which puts to the proof the materials of which it is composed, and causes those which are unsound to crumble into dust.

The local malady which exposed to peril the existing system of Spanish government, resided in the expeditionary army at Cadiz. This body of troops, prepared by Spain in the vain hope of regaining her transatlantic empire, saw before them a prospect the most dreary and discouraging. Whether they considered the theatre in which the war was to be waged, or the enemy with whom they had to contend, there appeared equally little ground for animation or hope. The prospect of bidding adieu to their native country, to perish in the vast plains and swamps of Oronoco, inspired a patriotic zeal, to which they might otherwise have remained strangers. The deliverance of their country appeared an object still more desirable, when it was to be combined with their own deliverance from such a destiny. The force collected at one point gave a full impression of their own strength; while the vicinity of Cadiz, a city which had long been the focus of liberal sentiment, was likely to inoculate them with some portion of its spirit,

In consequence of these causes, a deep discontent had long fermented in the minds of the expeditionary army. It had even, as observed in the former year, been organized into a formidable conspiracy, which failed only through the vacillation or treachery of the Conde de Abisbal. The yellow fever, which soon after began to rage at Cadiz, and among the troops, aided the views of the malecontents, by causing a general disorganization, relaxing those strict precautions which the jealousy of the government would otherwise have prompted. Don Antonio Quiroga, a lieutenant-colonel, who had been deeply implicated in the last conspiracy, was only loosely guarded at the convent of Alcala de los Gazules. He had, therefore, the opportunity of communicating with Don Raphael Riego, commander of the second battalion of the Asturias, and with other officers who were disposed to engage in the enterprise. The military chiefs were seconded by the talents of Galieno, a citizen of Cadiz, and one of the most eloquent men in Spain; while money was supplied by Beltran de Lis of Valencia, a zealous patriot, who had seen a son die on the scaffold in the cause of liberty.

After many consultations, which happily escaped the jealous observations of the ruling powers, the 1st of January, 1820, was fixed upon as the decisive day. Riego, stationed at Las Cabezas, was to march upon Arcos, the head quarters of Calderon, commander-in-chief of the expedition, and was to be joined there by the battalion of Seville from Villa Martin. At the same time Quiroga, with two battalions, was to move from Alcala de los Gazules, upon the Isle of Leon, and upon Cadiz.

At nine in the morning of the day appointed, Riego put himself in motion. He called together his battalion, explained to them his design, and finding them disposed enthusiastically to concur in it, led them direct to the square of Las Cabezas, where he proclaimed the constitution. In the evening he marched with the utmost possible rapidity upon Arcos, in the vicinity of which place he arrived about two in the morning. The battalion of Seville having losts its way in the storm, was not yet come up. Riego waited its arrival in vain for four hours; then seeing day begin to dawn, and apprehensive of discovery, he determined upon at once proceeding to action. Though the battalion stationed in Arcos was stronger than his own, he completely succeeded. The officers were taken by surprise in their barracks, Calderon and all his staff made prisoners, and the Corregidor of the town shared the same fate. The battalion joined the insurgents, and every thing was completed before that of Seville arrived. Riego was somewhat disappointed to find only 12,000 ducats in the treasury.

The success of Quiroga was not quite so complete. He made his escape, and placed himself at the head of his battalion at Alcala. To reach his destination, however, it was necessary to cross the Majeceite, which was rendered impassable by the rains. He was thus unable to set out till the afternoon of the 2d. At Medina, he found another battalion; and the troops pushing forward rapidly through roads that were kee deep, reached at nine in the morning the bridge of Suazo, which APRIL, 1824.-No. 264.

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