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with earnest tenderness, was virtue. It is not for the interest of morality that the good and evil actions, even of bad men, should be confounded. His affection for the Duke of Gloucester and for the Duchess of Orleans, seems to have been sincere and cordial. To attribute, as some have done, his grief for the loss of the first to political considerations, founded upon an intended balance of power between his two brothers, would be an absurd refinement, whatever were his general disposition; but when we reflect upon that carelessness which, especially in his youth, was a conspicuous feature of his character, the absurdity becomes still more striking. And though Burnet more covertly, and Ludlow more openly, insinuate that his fondness for his sister was of a criminal nature, I never could find that there was any ground whatever for such a suspicion; nor does the little that remains of their epistolary correspondence give it the smallest countenance. Upon the whole, Charles the Second was a bad man and a bad king: let us not palliate his crimes; but neither let us adopt false or doubtful imputations, for the purpose of making him a monster.

Whoever reviews the interesting period which we have been discussing, upon the principle recommended in the outset of this chapter, will find that, from the consideration of the past, to prognosticate the future, would, at the moment of Charles's demise, be no easy task. Between two persons, one of whom should expect that the country would remain sunk in slavery, the other, that the cause of freedom would revive and triumph, it would be difficult to decide whose reasons were better supported, whose speculations the more probable. I should guess that he who desponded, had looked more at the state of the public; while he who was sanguine, had fixed his eyes more attentively upon the person who was about to mount the throne. Upon reviewing the two great parties of the nation, one observation occurs very forcibly, and that is, that the great strength of the Whigs consisted in their being able to brand their adversaries as favourers of Popery; that of the Tories (as far as their strength depended upon opinion, and not merely upon the power of the crown), in their finding colour to represent the Whigs as republicans. From this observation we may draw a further inference-that, in proportion to the rashness of the Crown, in avowing and pressing forward the cause of

Popery, and to the moderation and steadiness of the Whigs, in adhering to the form of monarchy, would be the chance of the people of England for changing an ignominious despotism, for glory, liberty and happiness.

THE RESTORATION OF THE STUARTS. (From Wodhull's " Equality of Mankind," in Pearch's Collection of Poems, Vol. IV. pp. 246, 247.)

Curse on the shouts of that licentious throng,
Whose merriment (more brutal than the song
Of mad Agave, when wild Hamus o'er

Her Pentheus' mangled limbs the mother bore)
Proclaims the fall of Liberty:-ye Shades
Of mighty Chiefs, from your Elysian glades
Look down benign, avert the dire presage,
Nor with two Charles's brand one sinful age.
O, my poor country! what capricious tide
Of Fortune swells the Tyrant's motley pride!
Around his brows yon servile Prelates twine
The stale and blasted wreath of Right Divine;
While Harlots, like the Coan Venus fair,
Move their light feet to each lascivious air.

Hence with your orgies! Righteous Heaven ordains
A purer worship, less audacious strains.

When falls by William's sword (as soon it must)
This edifice of bigotry and lust,

The Muse shall start from her inglorious trance,
And give to satire's grasp her vengeful lance;
At Truth's historic shrine shall victims smoke,
And a fresh Stuart bleed at every stroke.
Thine too, perfidious Albemarle, (whose steel,
Drawn to protect, embroil'd Britannia's weal,
Shrunk from thy coward arm, consign'd the reins
Of power to Charles, and forged a nation's chains,)
Compared with nobler villanies of old,

High deeds, on plates of adamant enroll'd,
Shall meet the felon's undistinguish'd fate,
Sure of contempt, unworthy of our hate.

C. GREEN, PRINTER, HACKNEY.

ALARMS IN REGARD TO POPERY:

AN

ADDRESS

TO THE

PEOPLE OF SCOTLAND.

BY

GEORGE CAMPBELL, D.D.

PRINCIPAL OF THE MARISCHAL COLLEGE, AND ONE OF THE MINIS. TERS, OF Aberdeen.

FIRST PUBLISHED IN 1779.

LONDON:

EFFINGHAM WILSON, 18, BISHOPSGATE STREET; SMALLFIELD & SON, 69, NEWGATE STREET.

HACKNEY:

PRINTED BY CHARLES GREEN.

ADVERTISEMENT.

GREAT alarms were excited and much agitation prevailed throughout Great Britain, in and about the year 1779, when it was proposed in the Legislature to mitigate the Penal Code with regard to the Roman Catholics. The dreadful Riots of 1780 were the natural consequence of the epidemic fanaticism and bigotry. In the midst of the heats of the multitude, stirred up to fiery zeal by the clergy of several denominations, and a few wrong-headed men belonging to the aristocracy, Dr. Campbell, who was one of the most eminent biblical scholars, divines and metaphysicians of his day, and certainly no lukewarm Protestant, published the following noble Christian appeal to his countrymen, which unfortunately is as applicable to the state of the public mind in 1840, as it was in 1779.

In republishing this admirable remonstrance and rebuke, no other alteration is made than the omission of a few passages, unnecessary to the main argu

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