economy. vy, and the plan of fortifications is incompatible with the system of We have indeed miniatures of each, curious in appearance, but utterly insufficient for the purposes of national defence. Our navy, that infant Hercules; which, in the honest anticipating pride of the country, was to strangle the serpents of Europe, miserably made up of a few score of ferry-boats; instead of resisting the piratical depredations of foreigners, is preying upon our own vessels and tyrannizing over our own citizens--instead of chasing before them the French marauders, who infest our ports, they are employed in enforcing unconstitutional decrees and orders-feeble against our enemies, but formidable to us. rour. In our administration we behold the same blind confidence, improvident security, and servile submission, which, more than the arms of France, has subjected Europe to the yoke of the conqueThe proud, aspiring spirit of Americans languishes under the effects of a mean, and dastardly, and degrading policy, which, while it humbles and impoverishes the nation, exposes it to scorn, contempt, and perpetual insult. The honour of a glorious people, who but a few years past humbled the pride of a mighty nation, is tarnished; the laurels purchased by illustrious deeds of valour, have withered in the unhallowed and treacherous keeping of false patriots. The national spirit is. mouldering away, the love of glory is giving place to the love of wealth, and all these evils are derived from the influence of a fatal system of expedients and of false economy. A new period in our history is arrived. The principles, upon Our which parties divided at the formation of our Federal Constitution, have become of secondary consequence. We are not at this time contending for favourite theories. The question does not concern speculative points of government; it is more momentous, for it involves our eventual existence as freemen. It is to be determined whether we shall live under the government of choice, or become the province of a foreign power-whether we shall exchange the garb of freemen for the livery of vassals. "An unseen hand" directs the councils of our country, and urges us on to fatal ruin. With fear and trembling, we gaze on the black clouds which are rising above our political horizon; the distant thunder warns us of the approaching storm, whilst we, riveted by a fatal fascination, seek no shelter from the fury of the tempest. The roaring cannon of the enemy is pointed towards us, and we want the courage to defend ourselves. Such is the most important feature in the face of our political affairs. But while one enemy assails us without, another is labouring within. A fixed determination has been betrayed by the party in power, to carry into operation a favourite theory of their leader-the annihilation of commerce. To further this purpose, the Constitution has been violated, power has been usurped, and the most perfect indifference to the sacred rights of the citizen has been manifested. A powerful party is arrayed in open hostility to the judiciary; a plan has been avowed, and is ripe for execution, to cut away the great political anchor, at which, in the stormy times of peril and dismay, the vessel of state has rode in safety. ་ A lambent ray of hope gilds this dreary prospect. Our situation, though critical, is far from desperate. Wisdom points out a path to certain security. To pursue this path, the people must have virtue, fortitude, and courage. They must no longer close their eyes to the dangers that threaten them. They must no longer blindly confide in their favourites. Would the people be sensible to their true situation, they may be yet rescued from the danger which awaits them; they may be saved from the common grave in which the liberties of Europe have been entombed, and slavery and wretchedness may not be entailed upon their posterity. Let us with grateful hearts render thanks to the Supreme Disposer of good and of evil, that symptoms of recovery are already visible, that the languishing body politick has had strength to contend with the raging fever, which threatened to consume it, and for the hope that the struggles of nature will destroy the humours of disease. Once in a state of convalescence, we do not fear a relapse. The people will awake from the disturbed dreams of democratick philosophy, and shaking off the administration, which sits like an incubus upon them,will arise in the majesty of a great and magnanimous nation, will defend their rights with vigour and courage, and teach tyrants to respect their virtue. If ever there was a time which demanded the exertions of those who love their country, it is the present. Much is to be apprehended and much to be hoped. But to realize our hopes, the most indefatigable exertions are required from the friends of civil liberty and social order, from all classes of citizens, from the statesman, the scholar, and the soldier. Our enemies are active and persevering, and our dearest interests are at stake. To give an exaggerated description of our difficulties and dangers is impossible. The most highly coloured fiction could not equal the reality. In vain are intrigue and artifice employed to lull us into security; our feelings tell us we are insulted and betrayed. Alive to the distress and danger of our country, and influenced by a desire to contribute whatever aid it be in our power to afford the American cause, we have determined to establish a new Journal, to cooperate with those whose views are single to their country's good. In the conduct of this paper, we shall be regulated by the sound and healthful principles of the Federal school. We are not the disciples of Condorcet or of Paine. If our political tenets should ever want a further elucidation, we shall not call on democracy to explain them. We shall not light up our temple from that unhallowed fire. It will be illuminated with the rays of a more pure and lasting light. It will be perfumed with the incense of the memory of a WASHINGTON and a HAMILTON, Supporting the Federal Constitution, we shall cleave closely to the institutions of our ancestors, and, viewing all innovation with a jealous eye, we shall mock at those miserable jugglers who have made a philosophy and a religion of their hostility to all order, and all establishment. Need we add anything as to the moral and religious principles, which our paper will ever inculcate and support? Knowing that Religion is the basis of civil society, the source of all good and of all consolation, we will fight under its sacred banner to the last gasp; and stripping the impious and the infidel, the atheist and the deist of his false and deceitful garb, we will exhibit the monster in his native deformity. To the mere student, who devotes his time to literary acquirements, we may promise same relief from the ruggedness of politicks, and the asperities of controversial discussion. Passing "from grave to gay, from lively to severe," we shall endeavour to present a banquet for every taste. Interesting biographies, critical notices of new works, original and selected poetry will sometimes adorn our columns. As much of the time and attention of its conductors will necessarily be consumed in rendering this establishment deserving of general approbation and support, it is at least desirable, that they should be secured in those pecuniary advances which are incident to it. They ask no more. Their object is not gain; they have higher and more honourable views. The disinterested motives, which have prompted them to this laborious undertaking, certainly give them a claim upon their political friends for favour and support. We confidently trust that their independence and patriotism will urge them to aid us in an effort to serve our country. To our commercial friends we would particularly ad dress ourselves: We cherish a hope that they will not neglect us, but by presenting us with a portion of their favours, preserve our exertions from the blasting influence of pecuniary embarrassment. As to the manner of conducting our paper enough has been said. We will merely add, that the columns of THE FEDERAL REPUBLICAN Will be forever closed against scurrility and abuse. Manly and independent investigation into the actions of publick men, we earnestly invite. With equal caution, we shall avoid the charge of virulence or of timidity; the characters of private citizens shall be preserved sacred and inviolable; but we will not wink at corruption in office, nor fear to express the indignation we feel against the foreign or domestick enemies of our country. In a word, we shall be directed by truth and patriotism; we shall endeavour to disseminate correct principles of government, to infuse into the publick mind the love of glory, and to rouse the dormant spirit of America. CONDITIONS. This paper will be published every morning, at the rate of $7 to annual subscribers, payable half yearly. A Country Paper will be issued three times a week, at $5 per annum, payable in advance. Advertisements will be inserted on the usual terms. ORIGINAL POETRY. For The Port Folio. During the festivities of the fourth of July, as celebrated by the Fede ralists of Dover, in N. H. HENRY MELLEN, Esq, a gentleman of the bar, and highly distinguished as a polite scholar, was prevailed upon to 80 A French privateer Can have nothing to fear; She may load, and may here or may there go; Their Friendship is such, And we love them so much, provide a song for the occasion. Instead of that bombastick cant, the vulgar offspring of the day, he produced the following arch stanzas, which will remind the reader of some of the bagatelles of DEAN SWIFT. From many of the acutest reasoners in the nation we have been favoured with irresistible arguments against that preposterous measure the Embargo, which, if there were no other record of the absurdities of Mr. Jefferson's politicks, will always display the imbecility of his administration. But though Reason has been constantly few under false colours may dare go; and decisively engaged in the combat, Wit has seldom been so successfully engaged in the service, as under the command of the gallant MELLEN. THE EMBARGO. A song, composed by HENRY MELLEN, Esq. of Dover, (NH) and sung there at the celebration of the Fourth of July, 1808. (Tune-Come let us prepare.) Dear sirs, it is wrong To demand a new song; I have let all the breath I can spare go; With the Muse I've conferr'd, And she wont say a word, But keeps laughing about the Embargo. I wish that I could Sing in Allegro mood; But the times are as stupid as Largo; Could I have my choice, I would strain up my voice, Till it snapt all the strings of Embargo. Our great politicians, Those dealers in visions, On paper to all lengths they dare go; But when call'd to decide, Like a turtle they hide In their own pretty shell, the Embargo. In the time that we try To put out Britain's eye, t I fear we shall let our own pair go; Yet still we 're so wise, We can see with French eyes, And then we shall like the Embargo. Our ships, all in motion, Lest Britain should take and Embargo.. We're manning their fleet What a fuss we have made And swore we'd not let our own share go; 'Tis a breach of the twentieth EMBARGO. Our farmers so gay, How they gallop'd away, 'Twas money that made the old mare go. But now she wont stir For the whip or the spur. Till they take off her clog, the Embargo; If you ask for a debt, The man turns in a pet; "I pay, Sir? I'll not let a hair go; "If your officer comes, "I shall put up my thumbs, "And clap on his breath an Embargo. Thus Tommy destroys A great part of our joys; Yet we'll not let the beautiful fair go; They all will contrive," To keep Commerce alive, There's nothing they hate like Embargo. Since rulers design To deprive us of wine, 'Tis best that we now have a rare go; Then each to his post, And see who will do most To knock out the blocks of Embargo. The price of The Port Folio is Six Dollars per annum, to be paid in advance. Printed and Published, for the Editor, by SMITH & MAXWELL, Various, that the mind of desultory man, studious of change and pleased with novelty, may be indulged-Cowp. Vol. VI. Philadelphia, Saturday, August 6, 1808. No. 6 ORIGINAL PAPERS. For The Port Folio. TRAVELS. LETTERS FROM GENEVA AND FRANCE. Written during a residence of between two and three years in different parts of those countries, and addressed to a lady in Virginia. (Continued from page 71.) LETTER XXXV. My dear E, I HOPE I do not deceive myself, in supposing that you have been amused with the account in the last letter: had I suppressed the name of the insect and omitted a few circumstances, as in one of Hume's essays, or pretended that some traveller, Mr. Humbold, for instance, had discovered a nation of Amazons in South Amé rica, you would have admired the arrangement of a commonwealth, in which the monarchical and de mocratick powers were so wisely combined, and the science of domestick administration carried to such perfection. In some future letter, I will endeavour to give you an idea of the discoveries which have been made by another Mr. Huber, the son of the lastmentioned, in the history and internal management of a race of bees, who live under ground; we call them humblebees, in English; they make in small quantities, an inferiour kind of honey, and have an instinct, or inspiration, call it which you will, adapted to their pe culiar circumstances and situation: he has turned his attention to the commonwealth of ants also, whom I find, upon better acquaintance, to be by no means unworthy of the notice taken of them by Solomon; they cannot indeed be held forth as patterns of foresight and frugality, for they consume as much as they can lay their hands on, and sleep all the winter; but they have in general a large family to bring up; they have fatigue parties who labour for the common good, and bring home food for the rest, in a L |