As LOUIS XVI. AND LA PEROUSE. THE STATES-GENERAL. BY JOHN S. C. ABBOTT. S the clock at Versailles tolled the hour of twelve at midnight of the 10th of May, 1774, Louis XV., abandoned by all, alone in his chamber, died. In the most loathsome stages of the confluent small-pox his body had, for several days, presented but a mass of corruption. Terror had driven all the courtiers from the portion of the palace which he occupied, and even Madame du Barry dared not approach the bed where her paramour was dying. The nurse, hired to attend him, could not remain in the apartment, but sat in an adjoining room. A lamp was placed at the window, which she was to extinguish as soon as the King was dead. Eagerly the courtiers watched the glimmering of that light that they might be the first to bear to Louis, grandson of the dying King, and heir to the throne, the tidings that he was monarch of France. Louis was then hardly twenty years of age. His wife, Maria Antoinette, daughter of Maria Theresa, Queen of Austria, was nineteen. They had been married four years. Maria Antoinette was one of the most beautiful of women; but from infancy she had been educated in the belief that kings and nobles were created to illustrate life by gayety and splendor, and that the people were created only to be their servants. The taper was extinguished, and the crowd of courtiers rushed to the apartment of the dauphin to hail him as Louis XVI. The tidings, though expected, for a moment overwhelmed both Louis and Maria; and, encircled in each other's arms, they fell upon their knees, while Louis exclaimed, "O God, guide us, protect us. We are too young to govern!" They then entered the grand saloon, where they received the congratulations of all the dignitaries of the Church and the State. All were anxious to escape from the palace, whose atmosphere was tainted, and hardly an hour elapsed ere the new court, in carriages and on horseback, left Versailles, and were passing rapidly to the chateau of Choisy, one of the favorite rural palaces of Louis XV. The loathsome remains of the departed King were left to the care of a few under servants to be hurried to their burial. The people, who detested the dead monarch, hissed the corpse and could hardly be restrained from pelting it with mud. It was not yet four o'clock in the morning. The sleepless night, the chill morning air, the awful scene of death from which they had come, oppressed all spirits. Soon, however, the sun rose, warm and brilliant; a jocular remark dispelled the mental gloom, and in two hours they arrived at the castle, a merry party exulting in the new reign. The education of Louis XVI. had been such that he was still but a boy, bashful, self-distrusting, and entirely incompetent to guide the kingdom through the terrific storm which for ages had been gathering. He had not the remotest idea of the perils with which France was surrounded. He was an exceedingly amiable young man, of morals most singularly pure for that corrupt age, retiring and domestic in his tastes, and sincerely desirous of promoting the happiness of France. Geography was the only branch of learning in which he appeared to take Louis XVI. had no force of character, and, destitute of self-reliance, was guided by others. At the suggestion of his aunt he called to the post of prime minister Count Maurepas, who was eighty years of age, and who had been living thirty years in retirement. Thus France was handed over, in this hour of peril, to a king in his boyhood and a prime minister in his dotage. Turgot was minister of finance. The kingdom was in debt $800,000,000 (4,000,000,000 francs). As the revenue was by no means sufficient to pay the interest upon this debt and the expenses of the government, loans were continually resorted to, and the State was rapidly drifting to bankruptcy. To continue borrowing was ruin. To impose higher taxes upon the people impossible; they were already starving. There was no resort but to tax the clergy and the nobles. The moment this plan was proposed a burst of indignation rose from bishops and dukes which overwhelmed the minister, and he was driven in disgrace from his post. credit was soon gone, and the treasury empty. Calonne was in agony. At last he ventured gently to intimate that the clergy and the nobles must consent to be taxed. It was the signal for an immediate assault. Calonne was literally hooted down, and was compelled to resign his office and to fly from France.* In the mean time the well-meaning, weakminded King, having no taste for courtly pleasure, and no ability for the management of affairs, either unconscious of the peril of the State or despairing of any remedy, fitted up a workshop at Versailles, where he employed most of his time at a forge, under the guidance of a blacksmith, tinkering locks and keys. "The King," says his master workman, Gamin, "was good, indulgent, timid, curious, fond of sleep. He passionately loved working as a smith, and hid himself from the Queen and the court to file and forge with me. To set up his anvil and mine, unknown to all the world, it was necessary to use a thousand stratagems." "an The clergy now placed one of their own number, M. Brienne, Archbishop of Toulouse, in the ministry. He was a bold, resolute, ambitious man, and a great favorite with the Queen. "Public credit being dead," said a wag, Necker was now called to the ministry, a Archbishop was summoned to bury the reProtestant banker of great wealth from Geneva. mains." But the treasury was empty. Money Warned by the fate of Turgot, he at first did must be had. None could be borrowed. No not venture to propose taxing high-born like low- more could be extorted from the exhausted peoborn men, but suggested economy, reform, cut-ple. At last even Brienne ventured to suggest ting off pensions and sinecures. But these meas- a territorial tax which should fall upon all landures were as unpalatable as taxation. Mur-ed proprietors alike. There was an instantanemurs loud and prolonged arose. Necker was ous shout of indignation from the whole priviin despair. He borrowed. * Soon none would leged class, and "Hustle him out!" was the cry. lend. In this exigence he published a state- He was hustled out. ment of the finances, hoping that ecclesiastics and nobles, who owned more than two-thirds of the real and personal estate of the realm, would consent to bear their share, with the impoverished people, of the expenses of the Government. This Compte Rendu au Roi frightened the nation and exasperated the nobles. One-third of the revenue was exhausted in paying the interest upon the debt; and that debt was fast increasing. The Church and the nobles must bear their share of taxation. There is no other resort. Scarcely had Necker uttered these words ere the shout arose from Court and Church, "Away with him!" No mortal man could stand the storm. Necker was driven into exile.t M. Fleury, and M. d'Ormesson succeeded; honest, kind-hearted men, they could not even lift the heavy burden, and retired in dismay. M. de Calonne, a man of brilliant genius, of courtly manners, a member of the Parliament, and a great favorite of the nobles, was now called to the post of impossible achievement. With high reputation and the blandishments of polished address, he borrowed. The court rioted anew in voluptuous indulgence. But At Brienne, almost beneath the shadow of the towers of the Archbishop's chateau, there had sat, while these scenes were transpiring, & dusky complexioned, taciturn boy, under the name of Napoleon Bonaparte." This boy, forgetful of the sports of childhood, was gazing with intensest interest upon the conflict, and by untiring study, night and day, was girding himself with strength to come forth into the arena. He had already taken his side as the inexorable foe of feudal privilege, and the friend of popular rights. He had already incurred the frown of his teachers for the energy with which he advocated in his themes the doctrines of equality. As Brienne, pale, haggard, and trembling, frightened by the storm which he had raised, entered his carriage and drove off to Italy, poor Louis was left to struggle alone against the storms of the Revolution. In his perplexity he turned again to Necker. The announcement of his recall filled France with enthusiasm, for Necker was the idol of the people. He returned Calonne has published a work upon the French Revolution, in which he gives an outline of his plan. It will remain an eternal condemnation of the clergy and the nobles, who so fiercely refused to bear their share of tax↑ Hist. Phil. de la Rev. de Fr. par Ant. Fautin Deso- ation.-See Lect. of William Smyth on the French Revodourds, i. 59. Encyclopedia Americana, Art. Louis XVI. lution, i. 122. to Versailles and recommended that a convention should be assembled, composed of delegates from the three estates of the realm: the Clergy, the Nobles, and the People. Meetings somewhat similar had in past ages been convened, called the States-General. To this body the state of the kingdom was to be presented for deliberation and counsel. Many of the leading ecclesiastics and nobles were exasperated, and various efforts were adopted to prevent the meeting of the States-General. Strenuous attempts were made to overawe the elections and to intimidate the weak King. These failing, measures were adopted to excite popular disturbance, that stormy times might be urged as a plea for postponing an innovation "We have need," said the edict of the King, so dreaded as calling the people into action.* "of the concourse of our faithful subjects, to By bribery, secret agents, and false rumors, a aid in surmounting the difficulties arising from riot was fomented in Paris. It was apparentthe state of the finances, and establishing, in ly judged that if fifty thousand men could be conformity with our most ardent desire, a dura- turned loose into the streets, starving and withble order in the parts of government which af-out work, to pillage and destroy, it would aufect the public welfare." The people are twenty-five millions, the clergy and the nobles some two or three hundred thousand. It was decided that the States-General should consist of twelve hundred members, of which the privileged class were to choose one-half and the unprivileged the other. Thus ninety-eight hundredths of the population had only as many representatives as two hundredths enjoyed. Even this the privileged classes loudly murmured at, declaring that there were three estates, of which the people composed one, and they should, therefore, have but one-third of the representation. But Necker, whose political existence depended upon popular support, was firm, and the people chose six hundred deputies. thorize the concentration of the army at Paris. The deluded rioters could be easily shot down, and it could plausibly be affirmed that public tranquillity required the postponement of the meeting of the States. The mob was roused by secret instigators. Guns were skillfully placed here and there which they could seize. Two cart-loads of pavingstones were placed in their way. For twentyfour hours a tumultuous mass of people were left to do as they pleased, the Government apparently waiting for them to gain strength. But the effort was a failure; it proved but an artificial mob, and the outbreak almost died of itself. One house, that of M. Reveillon, was sacked, and the wine bottles from his cellar distributed · See Michelet, i. 78. Rabaut de St. Etienne, i. 49. through the streets. At length the soldiers | court, the clergy, and the nobles, appeared in were called in, and they had hardly made their appearance ere the riot was quelled.* On the 4th of May, 1789, the States-General met at Versailles. The clergy and the nobility appeared, by royal decree, attired in purple robes emblazoned with gold, and with plumed hats. The deputies of the third estate were enjoined to present themselves in plain black cloaks and slouched hats, as the badge of their inferiority.† On Saturday, the 2d of May, before the meeting, the King gave a reception to the deputies in the magnificent audience chamber of the palace. When one of the ecclesiastics or nobles presented himself, both of the foldingdoors were thrown open and his name loudly announced; but when one of the third estate was presented, one door only was thrown open. This studied indignity was, of course, annoying to men who were in all respects superior, and who were conscious of their superiority to the corrupt and decaying aristocracy. On the Paris Avenue at Versailles there was an immense hall, called the Salle des Menus, sufficiently capacious to accommodate the twelve hundred deputies, and in whose spacious galleries and side-aisles four thousand spectators could be crowded. It was a magnificent hall, and was ornamented for the occasion with the highest embellishments of decorative art. Here the King could meet in one assembly all the deputies of the three orders. But the clergy and the nobles had already formed the plan of insisting that the States should meet in three separate chambers, and give three separate votes. Thus three hundred ecclesiastics and three hundred nobles would give two votes, while six hundred of the people would give but one; and thus the unprivileged class would be thrown into a hopeless minority, having two to one ever against them. This was the last chance for the privileged class to maintain their domination; and here, accordingly, they took their stand for a desperate battle. The union of the orders secured the triumph of the people. The division of the orders left the people bound hand and foot. All understood the issues of the conflict and prepared for the strife. For the accomplishment of this plan two other smaller halls had been prepared, one for the clergy and one for the nobles. The 4th of May, the day of the opening of the States-General, a solemn procession took place. Nearly all Paris flocked out to Versailles, which is but ten miles from the metropolis, and countless thousands crowded the avenues of the city of the court. Joy beamed from almost every face, for it was felt that, after a long night, a day of prosperity was dawning. The It has been denied that the nobles were guilty of this act. For evidence see "Mémoires de Bensenval," t. ii. p. 347. "L'Euvre de Sept Jours," p. 411. "Exposé Justificatif." "Bailly's Mémoires, and M. Rabaut de St. Etienne.' extraordinary splendor. But as the procession moved along it was observed that the eyes of the multitude, undazzled by the pageant of embroidered robes and nodding plumes, were riveted upon the six hundred deputies of the people, in their plain garb, the advance guard of freedom's battalions. On their arrival at the church the three orders were seated on benches placed in the nave. The King and Queen occupied thrones beneath a canopy of purple velvet sprinkled with golden fleurs de lis. The princes and princesses, with the great officers of the crown, occupied conspicuous positions reserved for them by the side of their majesties. After imposing ceremonies and music by a majestic choir "unaccompanied by the din of instruments," the Bishop of Nancy preached a sermon enforcing the sentiment that Religion constitutes the prosperity of Nations.* The next day, May 5, the court and all the deputies of the three orders were assembled in the great hall to listen to the instructions of the King. And here, again, the deputies of the people were slapped in the face by an insult. A back door was assigned for their entrance, which they approached by a corridor, where they were kept crowded together several hours, until the king, the court, the nobles, and the clergy had entered in state at the great portal and had taken their seats. The back door was then thrown open, and the deputies of the people, in that garb which had been imposed upon them as a badge of inferiority, were permitted to file in and take the benches at the lower end of the hall which had been left for them.† The King's speech was favorably received. He appeared before the deputies with dignity, and recited very appropriately the cordial and conciliatory words which Necker had placed in his mouth. On finishing his speech he sat down and put on his plumed hat. The clergy and nobles, in accordance with etiquette, did the same. The Tiers Etat, in defiance of etiquette, did the same. "Hats off!" shouted nobles and archbishops imperiously, amazed at such impudence. But the slouched hats stuck as if glued to the heads. The King, to appease the tumult, again uncovered his head; bishops, nobles, and Tiers Etat did the same, and all sat for the remainder of the session very politely with uncovered heads.‡ The next day the deputies of the third estate, at the appointed hour, repaired to the hall could not suppose vain. Alas! how can one now think, without tears, on the hopes and expectations then every where felt by all good Frenchmen, by every friend of humanity!"-Necker on the French Revolution. Mémoires de Ferrières. †M. Rabaut de St. Etienne, i. 47. Madame de Staël. Histoire Parliamentaire, i. 356. "Will it be believed," writes Michelet, "that this mad court remembered and regretted the absurd custom of making the third estate harangue on their knees? They were unwilling to dispense from this ceremony expressly, and + Thiers's History of French Revolution, i. 35. preferred deciding that the president of the third estate "Like the nation I was full of hope, hope that I then should make no speech whatever."-Michelet, i. 83. " A young man who was unknown to nearly all the members rose, and in a calm, distinct, deliberate voice, which arrested universal attention, said: to meet their colleagues of the clergy and the | ed, it was the commencement of business with nobility. None of them were there. They three chambers. If they refused, the clergy and had gone to organize in their separate cham- the nobles would be apparently those who alone bers. The third estate, assuming the name regarded the people. For a moment there was of the Commons, abstained from any organic much embarrassment. measures, and waited to be joined by their colleagues. Thus matters continued for four weeks. Upon the decision of this question all the issues of reform were suspended. The whole nation understood the bearing of the contest, and that there was no room for compromise. It was a death-struggle. In one assembly the people would have the majority, for there were several of the nobles like La Fayette, and a large number of the clergy, consisting of nearly all the parish ministers, who were warmly with them. During this protracted conflict the higher clergy devised the following plan to place the commons in a false position: They sent an imposing delegation, headed by the Archbishop of Aix, with a pathetic statement of the miseries of the people, and entreating the commons to enter into a conference to devise some plan to assuage their sufferings. The move was shrewdly contrived. If the commons assent "Go tell your colleagues that we are waiting for them here, to aid us in assuaging the sorrows of the people; tell them no longer to retard our work; tell them that our resolution is not to be shaken by such a stratagem as this. If they have sympathy for the poor, let them, as imitators of their master, renounce that luxury which consumes the funds of indigence, dismiss those insolent lackeys who attend them, sell their gorgeous equipages, and with these superfluities relieve the perishing. We wait for them here."* There was a universal hum of approval. All were inquiring the name of the young deputy. It was Maximilian Robespierre. At last, on the Bailly'a Mémoires, t. 1, p. 114; Dumont's S. uvenirs, p. 59. |